• Title/Summary/Keyword: 미국 외교정책

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Tasks and Development plan of R.O.K. Navy to support Korean government's 『Indo-Pacific Strategy』 (한국의 『인도-태평양 전략』 지원을 위한 해군의 역할·발전방안 고찰)

  • Ji, Young
    • Maritime Security
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.83-107
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    • 2023
  • To Republic of Korea in the Indo-Pacific region, the stability and prosperity of the area are directly coupled with national survival, interest. Currently, on account of strategic competition between U.S.A, and China in this area as well as supranational·non-conventional threats, the security environment is unstable, required joint/allied responses. So, lots of states inside(U.S.A., Japan, ASEAN, etc.), also, out of this Indo-Pacific area like EU-NATO, open their own strategy related in Indo-Pacific issues to be involved. R.O.K. government took its own line with publishing self strategy following this international trend, it can be shown korean government's strong intend to join in the pending security issues in this region with 'strategic clarity'. Now, R.O.K. Navy has to back up governments, policy. First, R.O.K. Navy should strengthen the relationship inside and take part in the multilateral cooperation of security. Second, to convey this deterrence message to potential threats, Navy is required to show of forces and have combined exercises. Also, as naval forces of advanced countries, Korea, Navy should be taken action in non-traditional threats, and help developing states improve their sea power. To fulfill this tasks in the wide ocean area, Navy need five inherent characteristics(mobility, flexibility, sustainability, capability of presence and projection). In the end, this paper propose the development plan following operational environment (SWOT) analysis as well.

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Research on regional spatial information analysis platform about NTIS raw data (국가과학기술지식 원시데이터에 관한 지역 공간정보 분석 플랫폼 연구)

  • Lim, Jung-Sun;Kim, Sanggook;Bae, Seoung Hun;Kim, Kwang-Hoon;Won, Dong-Kyu
    • Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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    • v.50 no.2
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    • pp.21-35
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    • 2020
  • Due to the coronavirus pandemic and diplomatic disputes, governments are actively developing a policy to revitalize·reshore manufacturing and to diversify international cooperations. In order to develop such a policy, it is very important to compare and analyze domestic·international geospatial information. Over the decade, the US·EC governments have conducted a series of national researches to build data-based tools that can monitor·analyze regional geospatial information driven by government R&D investments. In the case of the EC system, it can compare geospatial information in domestic and international(including Korea) regions. Compared to US·EC cases, Korean examples of national researches with available data analplatform need future improvements. Current study is investigating an automated analysis methodologies using "National Institute of Science and Technology Information (NTIS)" DB, which was national security data until recently. Research on data-mining regional geospatial information can contribute to support policy fields that need to discover new issues in response to unexpected social problems such as recently faced corona and trade disputes.

The Implications of Economic Sanctions on North Korea via Case Studies of Sanctions on Iran and Iraq (이란·이라크 경제제재 사례를 통해 본 대북 제재의 함의)

  • Kim, Yiyeon
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.135-160
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    • 2018
  • This study aims to predict the likely effect of economic sanctions on North Korea by examining case studies of Iran and Iraq. While UN sanctions against Iraq had immediate negative consequences for society, such as causing famine and reinforcing the authoritarian regime, sanctions against Iran had some productive consequences after they were reinforced by the U.S. and EU in significantly reduced oil exports and government expenditure, which in turn led to regime change and willingness to negotiate nuclear programs for economic recovery. Apart from these distinct differences, sanctions in both countries caused high inflation, shortage of necessary supplies, and increased unemployment. Case studies of Iran and Iraq also reveal that the sanctions disproportionately affected women and children, which implies that the recently reinforced economic sanctions of the U.S. and China against North Korea will cause more suffering of similarly socially marginalized groups in North Korea.

An Architecture of One-Stop Monitor and Tracking System for Respond to Domestic 'Lone Wolf' Terrorism (국내 자생테러 대응을 위한 원-스톱 감시 및 추적 시스템 설계)

  • Eom, Jung-Ho;Sim, Se-Hyeon;Park, Kwang-Ki
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.89-96
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    • 2021
  • In recent years, the fear of terrorism due to 'Lone Wolf' terrorism is spreading in the United States and Europe. The lone wolf terrorism, which carries out terrorism independently, without an organization behind it, threatens social security around the world. In Korea, those who have explosive national/social dissatisfaction due to damage caused by national policies, and delusional mental disorders can be classified as potential 'Lone Wolf' terrorists. In 'Lone Wolf' terrorism, unlike organized terrorism, it is difficult to identify signs of terrorism in advance, and it is not easy to identify terrorist tools and targets. Therefore, in order to minimize the damage caused by 'Lone Wolf' terrorism, it is necessary to architect an independent monitoring and tracking system for the police's quick response. In this paper, we propose to architect response system that can collect information from organizations that can identify the signs of potential 'Lone Wolf' terrorism, monitor the continuity of abnormal behavior, and determine the types of 'Lone Wolf' terrorism that can happen as continuous abnormal behaviors.

Vietnam in 2016: The Situations and Prospects of Politics, Economy, and International Relations (베트남 2016: 정치, 경제, 대외관계의 현황과 전망)

  • LEE, Han Woo;CHAE, Su Hong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.163-191
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    • 2017
  • This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.

Geopolitical Interpretation of China's Island Chain Strategy (중국의 도련선(島摙線) 전략에 대한 지정학적 해석)

  • Lee, Yeoung-Hyeong
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.137-162
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    • 2018
  • This paper covers the issues including geopolitical effects of sea power on sea space in East Asia and its nature in a perspective of the past and the present. This paper analyzes the significance of Sea Power which is emphasized in Mahan's Theory of Insular Dominance and grasps the geopolitical nature of Sea Power. Along with this awareness, it deals with the problem of designated strategic phenomenon that is spreading to the Pacific Ocean with the concept of the Island Chain in China in the 21st century. Around the turn of 20th century, Japan materialized the policy of Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere which was planned to expand power sphere in sea space in the East Asia based on sea power and China took shape of the concept of Island Chain in the 21st century, which has divided sea space in East Asia. Under the circumstance that China's policy of island chain faced the resistance from countries in the East Asia as well as the USA, the question about whether Korea's policy of depending on sea power is valuable even in the 21st century has been raised.

Social Engineering Attack Characteristics and Countermeasure Strategies of Major Threat Countries (주요 위협국의 사회공학 공격특징과 대응전략)

  • Jeewon Kim
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.23 no.5
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    • pp.165-172
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    • 2023
  • Nation-state social engineering attacks are steadily being carried out as they are highly effective attacks, primarily to gain an advantage over secret information, diplomatic negotiations or future policy changes. As The Ukraine-Russia war prolongs, the activities of global hacking organizations are steadily increasing, and large-scale cyberattack attempts against major infrastructure or global companies continue, so a countermeasure strategy is needed. To this end, we determined that the social engineering attack cycle excluding physical contact among various social engineering models is the most suitable model, and analyzed the preferred social engineering attack method by comparing it with geopolitical tactics through case analysis. AS a result China favors phishing attacks, which prefer quantity over quality, such as man-made tactics, Russia prefers covert and complex spear phishing reminiscent of espionage warfare, and North Korea uses geopolitical tactics such as spear phishing and watering holes for attacks on the US and South Korea Most of the other countries aimed to secure funds with ransomware. Accordingly, a Clean Pass policy for China, periodic compulsory education in Russia, and international sanctions against North Korea were presented as countermeasure strategies.

New Middle Powers' ODA: Korean Aid Strategy for Economic Infrastructure and Production Sector Building (신흥 중견국가의 공적개발원조: 한국의 경제 시설 및 생산 분야 중점지원 전략)

  • Jang Ji-Hyang
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.14 no.3
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    • pp.421-440
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    • 2010
  • This paper examines middle powers' ODA policy in the post cold war era and discusses its implication for Korean aid strategy. Middle powers' ODA has been more successful than that of super powers in promoting donors' positive images and in stimulating recipient countries' development. Middle powers tend to pursue multilateral solutions to international problems often by taking a mediator role, and their ODA policies set them apart from the great players in international politics. Middle powers' ODA is primarily aimed at reducing poverty and protecting human rights in least developed countries where humanitarian aid needs the most rather than promoting donors' interests. Also, middle powers have provided bilateral untied aid in the sectors of food aid and emergency relief and steadily devoted about 0.7% of their gross national income to ODA. Meanwhile, Korea as an emerging middle power and a new donor has been implementing its own aid strategy under the name of the Korean development model since the post cold war period. The Korean ODA was not successful in building donors' positive images by simply following the short term strategies of US and Japan. Yet, its ODA policy has been quite effective in sustaining local development by creating specific niches in which the country can specialize in. In specific, Korea has focused on developing the sectors of information and communication technology and industry energy in recipients' countries by maximizing its comparative advantage.

China and Central Asia : Soft Balancing Strategy against the U.S. (중국과 중앙아시아 관계 : 미국에 대한 소프트밸런싱 전략을 중심으로)

  • Kang, Teak Goo;Kim, Yei kyoung
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.16 no.2
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    • pp.121-146
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of this paper is to study on China's emergence and its influence on international society against the U.S. hegemony. Recently, China's influence has proliferated in Central Asia as well as East Asia at a rapid rate. China, through its soft balancing strategy, increased its influence in Central Asia in response to the U.S. power and behavior. This study analyzes the relationship among China and Central Asia with the view of soft balancing theory. In order to determine whether China's strategy on Central Asia is soft balancing, this paper presents three indicators: 1) Second-tier major power is willing to take a strategy that increase diplomatic cost of hegemony or counter the hegemony influence through using regional and global multilateral cooperation. 2) Second-tier major power is willing to not only increase its influence by strengthening regional economic cooperation, but also check the extension of the hegemony economic influence into its boundary. 3) Second-tier major power intends to prevent expanding hegemony military influence into the region through limited military cooperation and increasing military spending, and denying territory. This paper analyze China's multi-polar strategy, economic and energy cooperation with Central Asia countries, and the military and security cooperation with multilateral organizations such as SCO.

Korea-U.S. Relationship appearing in the Newspaper and Social Media: Based on the news and information related to the (언론과 소셜미디어를 통해 살펴본 한미관계: <한미정상회담> 관련 뉴스와 정보를 중심으로)

  • Hong, Juhyun
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.8 no.5
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    • pp.459-468
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    • 2022
  • This study searched and analyzed news and information on the Korea-U.S. Summit to explore which political agenda is spreading among Korean newspapers and social media. The result of the analysis revealed that, on the one hand, the conservative-leaning newspaper, Chosunilbo, covered the unresolved issue between two countries. The principal source of news was the opposition party. On the other hand, the progressive-leaning newspaper, Kyunghany Sinmun, highlighted President Moon's visit to the United States and described the visit to the United States as an achievement. In this paper, the principal source of news is the ruling party. Both conservative and the progressive newspapers did not present a negative view of the United States. In the case of Chosunilbo, it mentioned that foreign policy priority of President Biden is human rights in North Korea. If the two countries do not solve this issue, the relationship between Korea and the United States will not develop further. Second, I searched YouTube videos about the Korea-U.S. summit and conducted a network analysis to understand the influence of YouTube videos and explore their relationship the each other. The results of the analysis revealed that the 10 most influential videos portrayed the Moon government positively. These videos held the achievement of the visit to the United States in highly esteem and framed it positively, similarly to the progressive newspaper.