• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.549-566
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• 2008

This study examines the effect of social conservative values that have risen as an important factor in American politics. Focusing on the abortion issue, it discusses how the abortion issue has affected American voters' issue and party preferences and their ideological orientations. The empirical results demonstrate that the abortion issue has contributed to reinforce the existing ideological and partisan divisions, although it has not realigned them. As a consequence, the abortion issue has become a significant determinant for vote choice since 1980s. Particularly in 1990s, when the polarization among the political elites became clear, the political effect of the abortion issue appears to be more evident.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.447-467
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• 2009

Lakoff's (2002) 'nation-as-family' metaphor suggests that conservatism and liberalism in the United States are based respectively on two different sets of morality, i.e., "strict father" morality and "nurturant parents" morality. He argues that values associated with respective metaphors and political principles derived from them tend to determine certain political attitudes and policy endorsement. Using the priming technique, this study attempted to examine whether "strict father" and "nurturant parents" morality are indeed what underlie very different positions conservatives and liberals take towards people in need. The results supported the Lakoff's idea and demonstrated that, compared to priming "nurturant parents" morality, priming "strict father" morality actually led people to derogate character of those in need and to attribute more responsibility onto them for their economic predicament. This research leads us to reconsider what constitutes politically conservative and liberal attitudes and emphasizes the malleability of political attitudes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.263-293
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• 2011

There have been many studies on the relationship between welfare states and the poverty. Yet, only a few studies have been addressed the poverty alleviation effect of public pension using difference in difference(DID). This study aims to analyze poverty alleviation effect for the old aged of public pension in 10 OECD countries using DID considering welfare states regimes. The empirical analyses are based on panel data of individuals aged 50 and over from two sources: SHARE in Europe(wave I~II) and HRS in USA(2004~2006). As a result of simple DID, this study provides evidence that the poverty rate of the old aged who has not been received the pension is increased, while the poverty rate of pensioner is sharply decreased. The anti-poverty effect of public pension using DID is 45.6% which is bigger than that of pre/post approach. The policy impact used by pre/post approach in conservative welfare regime is underestimated while those in liberal and socialist regime are overestimated. In last, GDP growth rate has not significant while public pension contributes to poverty alleviation effects of the old aged. Poverty alleviation effects of public pension are also varied with welfare state regimes. The poverty alleviation effects of public pension in conservative welfare and social democratic welfare state regime are significantly bigger than that in liberal welfare state regime.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.277-304
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• 2005

The review of the literature shows that analysts tend to follow two approaches in their investigation of the differences in terms of the development of welfare state. The first approach focused on the logic of industrialization. In this account, technological and structural changes rather than political choices of ideological preferences and culture create the conditions for the emergence of welfare state. The second approach emphasizes the importance of the growth of unionization for the development of welfare state. However, this study analyses the development of welfare state by using cultural theory developed by Mary Douglas. Culture theory has a specific point of departure : the grid-group typology proposed by Mary Douglas. Group refers to the extent to which an individual is incorporated into bounded units. Grid denotes the degree to which an individual's life is circumscribed by externally imposed prescriptions. Hierarchical culture (high grid-high group) favors social conservatism, giving government the right to intervene in matters of social institutions. Germany and Japan belong to this culture. Individualistic culture (low grid-low group) reluctant to develop social insurance programs. Individuals who are bound by neither group incorporation nor prescribed roles inhabit an individualistic social context. Great Britain and the United Sates of America belong to this culture. Egalitarian culture (low grid-high group) prefer to develop social insurance program. Strong group boundaries couples with minimal prescriptions produce social relations that are egalitarian. Sweden belong to this culture.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.155-168
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• 2019

The objective of our study is to examine the Earnings Quality of Win-Win Growth Corporate. The level of Win-Win Growth Corporate is measured by Win-Win Index of korea commission for corporate partnership. Earnings Quality is proxied by Accounting Conservatism that is measured by the method of Givoly and Hayn(2000). The samples of this study selected from listed corporate, consist of 3,608 observations can be collected from 2011 to 2017 at TS-2000. The result of this study can be summerized in the following. the Win-Win Growth has a significant positive relevance on Accounting Conservatism is the proxy of internal Earnings Quality. This means that Win-Win Growth corporate has a higher the Earnings Quality relatively. These results were supported by additional analysis that used the sample that is made up the Win-Win Growth Corporate completely. According to our study, we can expect that the Earnings Quality of Win-Win Growth corporate is true as steel. But this study have some limitation. Especially we can't explain the reason why the Win-Win Growth has a significant positive relevance on Earnings Quality. And, despite additional analysis, there are the limitation of controlling for endogeneity. We hope that our paper can help investor making a economic decision on investment and officials making a effective policy on the Win-Win Growth.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.333-370
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• 2011

This study views the aged inequalities according to the inequality hypothesis of the life course perspective in OECD 10 countries. Focusing on educational level which is early social status and welfare state regime which is social structure factors of inequality, this study analyzes income inequality for the aged who have transformed into old age period from non-aged period. The analysis is based on the data SHARE of Europe and HRS of USA. The main results of this study are summarized in four points. First, the income inequality is quite high by welfare system and the educational level. Second, the income inequality is somewhat reduced in case the people move from the period of non-aged to the period of aged. However, gini coefficient is still high(0.475). Considering welfare state regimes, although the income inequality is high in conservative regime of non-aged period, this would be higher in aged period. This result supports cumulative advantages/disadvantages hypothesis. The liberal regime remains high income inequality which supports the theoretical argument of status maintenance. Social democratic regime provides evidence to offer some support for the status leveling hypothesis. In there, income inequality is lower in aged period even though income inequality of non-aged period is low. Third, the cumulative advantages/disadvantages of disposable income according to educational level are strengthened and heterogeneity is grown in case people transition from the late period of non-aged to aged period. But public pension has been more equally distributed than gross income. Fourth, seeing welfare state regimes, public pension of aged-period is more inequally distributed than that of non-aged period in liberal and conservative regime. Specially in conservative regime, inequality of gross income is very high and public pension is also inequally distribute So this might show that the social security system strengthens the cumulative advantages/disadvantages. However, in the social democratic regime, public pension is more equally distributed than gross income and it could be much more equally distributed in aged period, which can support the status leveling hypothesis.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.37
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• pp.319-344
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• 2008

The Purpose of this study is to observe the existence of welfare attitude split between welfare regimes clique and to explore the effect of institutional(regime) characteristics on welfare attitude. And Second purpose is to find the characteristics of structure of welfare attitude and then to clarify the characteristics of welfare attitude in Korea. This work contribute to find the point of solidarity and split and to work out the strategical clues for constructing pro-welfare politics. To compare the attitude on the state responsibility about the welfare, Sweden, France, US, and Korea is selected. And the effect of sex, age, education level, income class, and labor status which are abstracted from existing welfare state comparative study are analyzed. The result show the difference in welfare attitude score between countries. The welfare attitude score is Sweden, France and US in order. the Score in Korea is lowest. In the case of the effect structure of welfare attitude between countries, there are no differences between Sweden and France. But the specific characteristics in US and Korea, are observed. And the effect structure of sex, class, labor status is equal in Sweden, France, and US. That is, women, people in low class, and people in low labor status more emphasize the state responsibility on the welfare. But the effect structure of age of US is different comparing other countries. In US, the old age is tend to less support the state responsibility. The education level operate as the effect factor in only US. And Korea show the different effect structure on the welfare attitude. This understanding about structure of welfare consciousness become the basis to construct the strategy for welfare state by proposing the point of consensus and conflict to conversion of welfare paradigm.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.12 no.10
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• pp.4348-4353
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• 2011

This paper is based on the Cognitive Linguistics point of view on metaphor. Metaphors are not a matter of language use or rhetorics but of a conceptual frame, where thoughts work. The conceptual frames can highlight one aspect affecting our lives while hiding the other aspect of the facts. Politicians use metaphors to persuade people and justify their political decisions. Lakoff argues that the Republicans in the U.S. have their own conceptual framework based on the 'strict father model' of the conservatives, which can be found in important political speeches. Political metaphors supporting this view are found in the 'Attack on Iraq Speech' by G. H. Bush in 1991 and 'Operation Iraqi Freedom Address' by G. W. Bush in 2003.