• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.301-311
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• 1990

The agriculture of Korea was begun in the neolithic era partly and generalized around 4,000 B.C. Discovery of acorn and stoneworks used in agriculture in neolithic era in 8,000 B.C to 6,000 B.C suggests that prehistoric ancestors of Korean night use acorn, hazel-nuts, and haws, etc. as foods. Cultivation of chestnuts, peaches, plums, pears, and japanese apricots was found in Mahan, the tribal states, and in the period of three kingdoms and Balhae dynasty too. In the period of Koryo, pears, plums, japanese apricots, pine nuts, apricots, grapes, jujubes, gingko nuts, oranges, and citrons were cultivated and used in diet. Sejongsilrokjiriji(1454), a geography of the early chosun, and Sinjungtonggukyojisungnam(1492) show that they cultivated almost all fruits we are now cultivating such as hazel-nuts, haws, nutmeg nut, and so on. Loquats seem to be brought in the early chosun era and figs around 16th century. Pecans, sweet cherries were brought around 1,900 and recently tropical fruits like kiwis were brought in and used in a large scale. In addition, Some fruits were used in medical treatments. Fruits increase the pleasure of the diet and sometimes they are used as a measure of a standard of living. Fruits have been improved and used for a long time, their status in our diet will be maintained resolutly.

• Progress in Medical Physics
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 1992

For intraoperative radiation therapy using electron beams, a cone system to deliver a large dose to the tumor during surgical operation and to save the surrounding normal tissue should be developed and dosimetry for the cone system is necessary to find proper X-ray collimator setting as well as to get useful data for clinical use. We developed a docking type of a cone system consisting of two parts made of aluminum: holder and cone. The cones which range from 4cm to 9cm with 1cm step at 100cm SSD of photon beam are 28cm long circular tubular cylinders. The system has two 26cm long holders: one for the cones larger than or equal to 7cm diamter and another for the smaller ones than 7cm. On the side of the holder is an aperture for insertion of a lamp and mirror to observe treatment field. Depth dose curve. dose profile and output factor at dept of dose maximum. and dose distribution in water for each cone size were measured with a p-type silicone detector controlled by a linear scanner for several extra opening of X-ray collimators. For a combination of electron energy and cone size, the opening of the X-ray collimator was caused to the surface dose, depths of dose maximum and 80%, dose profile and output factor. The variation of the output factor was the most remarkable. The output factors of 9MeV electron, as an example, range from 0.637 to 1.549. The opening of X-ray collimators would cause the quantity of scattered electrons coming to the IORT cone system. which in turn would change the dose distribution as well as the output factor. Dosimetry for an IORT cone system is inevitable to minimize uncertainty in the clinical use.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.131-143
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• 2010

This paper investigates the history, policy and status of the conservation of historic gardens in the National Trust in England and its implications for Korea. It was conducted in three phases as follows: First, related literature data was collected to understand the National Trust and its role in the conservation of historic gardens. Second, The National Trust Policy Papers: Gardens and Landscape Parks in 1996 was reviewed and analyzed into eight categories with a review of 216 gardens and interviews with gardener-in-charge via e-mail. Finally an understanding of the policy for the conservation of historic gardens was formed from the results of the previous phases, and implications were drawn from the integrated analysis guidelines of the policy and status. The key feature of the conservation of the National Trust's historic gardens is that the conservation process has been conducted systematically through acquisition, management, upkeep, advice and so on. Furthermore, the conservation principles are defined in a concise and accessible form. According to their practical conservation process and principles, the results of the National Trust activities are to appreciate the significance of the gardens and act with accountability; integration; managing change; access and participation; and training gardener and partnership. According to the results of its activities under the premise that the purpose of the conservation and the meaning of a garden do not differ significantly among nations, implications for Korea can be primarily suggested by three points as follows: First of all, a flexible approach to change in historic gardens should be managed. In response to inevitable and desirable change, anything that is added or transferred should be recorded for the future as much as possible. Therefore, everything must be recorded and any change should be managed. Second, is to provide sustainable access for the benefit for the people and visitors. The aim of conserving the gardens is for human's to eventually understand that the present generation just borrows the historic gardens before they are passed down. The ensuing implication is that people may enjoy the gardens educationally, aesthetically, and physically, and children can be continuously interested in historic gardens as apart of educating the future generation. Finally, the National Trust educates apprentice gardeners who will maintain the historic gardens and continuously keep the current garden staff up to date with workshops. This is in contrast to the day laborers who work for historic gardens in Korea. In practice, the maintenance of historic gardens is not a simple process. The gardener must understand the past, reflect the present, and prepare for the future. Therefore, gardeners deliver culture from generation to generation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.5-46
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• 2009

The origin of Korean mime is traceable to sacred actions of prehistoric age. There are materials about mime of this age in the archeological materials of this age, oral literature/myth, and written literature about this age. There were traces of the most original form of mime in primitive ritual of tribal nation age. The mimes of Samkooksidae/Tree Nation Age of Korea were presented to forms of Kamoobekhee(歌舞百戱)/Sanakbekhee(散樂百戱). We can discover traces of mime of this age in Hosunmoo(胡旋舞), Gwangsumoo(廣袖舞), Kweraehee(傀儡戱), Keeak(伎樂), Kummoo(劍舞) Muaemoo(無㝵舞), and so forth. Especially, Keeak in Beckjae was mask mime of Buddhistic contents. We can recognize that secular theatres were more diversified and strengthened than sacred thaetres in Nambukgooksidae/South-north Nation Age. According to these changes, there were many changes in the mime of this age. We can concretely find traditions of mime of this age in Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞), Hwangchanmoo(黃倡舞), Taemyun(大面), Wuljen(月顚), Sodok(束毒)', Sanyae (狻猊), and so forth. Mimes of Koreasidae/Korea Age take diverse forms of puppet play, mask play, dance play. Established traditional mimes as Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞) were widely disseminated in society. And dance plays of mime form as Hunsundo(獻仙桃), Pokurak(抛毬樂), Yunhwadae(蓮花臺)' were imported from Song Nation of China. Mime of Chosundidae/Chosun Age were developed with changes of theatre that were divided into Kyusickjeehee[規式之戲] as Kwangdae(廣大), Ser-in(西人), Joojil(注叱), Rongryung(弄鈴), Kendoo(斤頭) and Sohakjihee[笑謔之戱] as Soochuk(水尺) Sengkwangdae(僧廣大). Styles of theatre in this age were specialized into mudangkuk, Pungmoolkut, Inhyunguk/Puppet play, Talnoree/Mask paly, Pansori, Kungjoong Kamuakguk. According to this changes, mime of this age were specialized into diverse aspects. Korean mime were specialized into Kutnorum-formed mime, Inhyungnorum-formed mime, Jabsaeknorum-formed mime, Talnorum-formed mime, Kungjoongmuyong-formed mime, Pansori-formed mime, and so forth.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.208-241
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• 2010

This study was conducted to examine the chronology of Taesil Seokham(Taesil Stone Boxes) stored in Taesil of the Joseon Palace and classify the styles to discuss how these boxes have developed. By doing so, this study defined the archaeological styles of taesil seokhams in the chronological order. Although taesil seokhams are placed when taesil are first created, they do not have any texts engraved on them and it is difficult to gain information only from examining taesil seokham. However, Taejiseok(memorial stones buried in Taesil) and Agibi(gravestones buried in Taesil) were created along with taesil. These resources were examined and compared with literature records to find when each taesil seokhams was created. The critical elements to consider for the chronological arrangement were both the cover and container of the boxes and the transition of their style could be classified into four major stages. In detail, the Joseon Dynasty's taesil seokhams initially inherited the style of the Goryeo Dynasty to be formed into rectangular boxes. Through the transition of the mid and late 15th Century, the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container became the popular style in the late 15th Century. In the late 16th Century, the style of the previous period was further developed to add some decorative elements, such as projecting ornaments, but the ornaments were added for functional purposes rather than artistic purposes. However, the style went back to the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container in the early 17th Century. From the mid 17th Century, various styles appeared with ornaments only on the cover, cone-shaped cover with no ornament, or mortar-like container. However, a new style of cone-shaped cover with ornament emerged between the early and mid 18th Century and continued to stay until the mid 18th Century. In the mid 18th Century, the cover remained unchanged, but the container became a keyhole-shaped space with one side forming a "ㄷ" shape. However, in the late 18th Century, the most typical style of the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container reappeared to show that this is the most universal style. Last, in the mid 19th Century, the cover changed from semi-circular to rectangular with flat top. After this, the taesil seokhams began to disappear. In terms of style, it can be classified into four stages. In the early Joseon Dynasty, the taesil seokhams were underdeveloped and inherited the style of the Goryeo Dynasty (Stage I; 1401~mid-15C), but Joseon's unique style began to develop from the late 15th Century (Stage II; 1477~1641). After that, partial ornaments were added for adornment (Stage III; 1660~1754), but the typical style reappeared in the late 18th Century to finally degrade in the late Joseon Dynasty of the mid 19th Century (Stage IV; 1790~1874). This arrangement of style and chronology would greatly help archaeologists anticipate the time and owner of taesil seokhams even if only taesil seokhams are discovered without any records. * Tae(胎) : Placenta and umbilical cord * Taesil(胎室) : A facility(chamber) of burying Tae(胎) in rite when royal descendants are born.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.129-163
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• 2016

This study examines processes of cultural introductions and transformations among Korea, China and Japan via focuses on the formative characteristics of nasori(納曾利) masks belonging to komagaku (高麗樂), part of bugaku (舞樂), a Japanese court dance and music. Previous studies of traditional masks in East Asia focus on their dramatic characters and entertaining aspects. On the contrary, it approaches to their origins through the formative characteristics of komagaku nasori masks. Prince of Lanling, the representative togaku passed to Japan, and komagaku nasori perform a pair of toubu (答舞). One formative characteristic between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks is a dangling jaw (吊り顎). Masks having 'he' (へ)-shaped eyes like Japan's okina (翁) masks are characterized by a division (切顎) between the face and jaw, which is as same as the Korean masks. Other common grounds between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks are grotesque ghost faces and concentric double-circled eyes with their outlines painted gold. Concentric double-circled eyes prove that they spread to broader areas before the age of togaku and developed into a variety of divine-animal mask patterns. That Korean masks and nasori masks both have concentric double-circled eyes and dangling jaws is a significant starting point in studying the origin of traditional performing art in East Asia. Japan's bugaku has been passed down in shrines as part of folk religion. However, there exist in Korea no records or examples related to komagaku nasori masks introduced to Japan. This study provides some clues to comparison between Korean masks and komagaku nasori masks by focusing on the formative characteristics of the latter. The researcher suggests a new perspective to nasori mask dance by re-examining earlier Korean studies of the introduction of Daemyeonmu of Prince of Lanling to Japan through Shilla and the assumption of Nasori as Shilla music.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.39
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• pp.137-180
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• 2018

This article examines the constitutional characteristics of the works in the "Shinbi Apartment" (Mysterious Apartment) series produced by Tooniverse, a domestic animation channel, and considers the meaning of the contents of the ghoststory (鬼神談). The "Shinbi Apartment" series is a horror animation for children. It was produced for the first time in Korea and recorded high ratings. Additionally, it is different from Japanese horror animations that were dubbed and broadcast in Korea in terms of composition and narrative direction, and it succeeds in the form and direction of the traditional Korean ghost story. "Shinbi Apartment - The Secret of Ghost Ball" enriches narrative stories by embracing the structure of the "female ghost story" in traditional ghost stories while following the form of ghosts that suddenly pop up in the daily routines of contemporary ghost stories. The ghost's shape, which has a bizarre and unpredictable aspect, embodies the ghost as the object of fear that modern horror stories intend. However, it does not stop there, but puts the attention on the hero who focuses on the emerging ghost and listens and communicates with it, placing the emphasis of the story on communication, understanding, forgiveness, and reconciliation. The structure and contents of the unique story of "The Secret of Ghost Ball" contribute to the transformation of the ghost into a subject of friendliness and entertainment, not merely as one of shock, fear, and anxiety. Additionally, as the concept of "child" is being created, the custom of modernity, which deals with the story of ghosts in the dimension of teaching and edification, is also manifested in "The Secret of Ghost Ball." In other words, through the figure of the devil, it is to continue the lesson of the story by revealing the adventure, the courage necessary for the "child," and the boundaries for substance and appearance. The "Shinbi Apartment" series has also contributed to the success of ghosts as commercial contents. The structure of the story and its characters have been actively used as educational tools and toys for children. It can be said that ghost culture contributed to this popularization by establishing a base for enjoying ghosts for amusement and entertainment.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.