• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.22-43
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• 2023

This paper deals with the stone standing Avalokitesvara statue in Jeonghyesa Temple that was created by Mangong in 1924. The stone standing Avalokitesvara statue of Jeonghyesa Temple is the earliest extant Buddha statue produced by Mangong, and symbolism was given to Jeonghyesa in the process of its reconstruction. So far, there has been no study that has approached ideas and beliefs through Buddhist studies led by Mangong and specific relics. In order to proceed with this study, Mangong's legal words and anecdotes and newspaper articles during the Japanese colonial era were used to trace the dynamics of Jeonghyesa and Sudeoksa during Mangong's reign, and to investigate the effects obtained from the creation of the large Bodhisattva statue and the meaning of its location. In addition, an interview was attempted with the descendants of master, who were in charge of the sculpture at the time, to confirm the exact construction period and the list of craftsmen. It is judged that the stone standing Bodhisattva statue of Gwanchoksa Temple has been influenced by the double covering and square crown seen in the standing stone statue of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva of Jeonghyesa Temple, the large hands compared to the body, the proportion between the head and the body, and the sense of enormity felt in the body like a stone pillar. Therefore, we looked at how the standing stone Bodhisattva statue of Gwanchoksa Temple, which was produced in the early Goryeo Dynasty, could have influenced the creation of the Bodhisattva statue in the modern period. A multilateral analysis was attempted on how the image of the Gwanchoksa Bodhisattva statue, which was used as a symbol representing Chungcheongnam-do in the Chosun Exposition held in 1929 and the visit to Gwanchoksa Temple, which began with the laying of the railroad during the Japanese colonial period, was used from the viewpoint of the succession and transformation of the style. With this study as an opportunity, it is hoped that the understanding of the prehistoric Mangong representing the modern period and the horizon of Korean Buddhist sculpture research in the modern period will be broadened.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.249-275
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• 2019

Gangneung farm song is important for the ritualistic labortheatricals. Especially, in the theatrical process program, the songsof weeding, such as Haksan Odokkteggi and Ssadae, were alsoincluded to represent the agricultural ritualistic prayer for goodharvest. The use of Gangneung farm song is attractive in termsofthe circumstances. There is no chance of success as a plan simplyfor local events. As a comprehensive art, Gangneung farmsongshould simultaneously revitalize locality, representability andglobality. In this context, three directions are suggested dependingon the development progress. The second direction to the thirddirection are mainly oriented toward government-local authoritycentered support, but, in particular, the third direction should aimtobe an open archive in which the public and the contents prosumercan participate. In the production of the traditional content, OSMUmust be endlessly recreated and spread through 'diversity' and'interrelationships'. The contents utilization was discussed based on the transmissiondetails and analysis evidence of Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. Thediversification of the way of performing farm song and the folk songs that can induce interest were proposed. Furthermore, basedon the fact that 12 songs classified into 8 work types, there-creation of the contents that focus on the playful aspect of theperforming arts was also proposed. In addition to suggestingthedesirable discourse of the performance groups, the experienceprogram development, education, public relations andcommunication reinforcement based on the narrating principlesoffarm songs, and the development and execution of farmsongprograms based on the tradition and the event demands wereproposed. While mentioning the necessity of value creation, thevitality of performing arts skills that put emotion, imagination, fun, sympathy, and etc. on the original form and the model of farmsongs should be supplemented to Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. The independent transmission aspect of Gangneung Arirangisalso positive. There are difficulties of reduction of traditionalitydueto the designation, standardized transmission, lack of developmentof voluntary performances, and demonstration-centeredtransmission. Narrowly, we focused on the education andvitalization directions in terms of the capacity building of theconservation council itself. By embodying the essential value of theagricultural literature that farm songs possess, it can bringimpression of all worlds, all lives, communication and sharing, anddraw inspiration from the humanistic view of the world andemotion. The reconstitution of agricultural heritage, theconstruction of a storytelling linked with the concrete objects suchas Beomil National Preceptor, Gulsansa, FlagpoleSupport(Dangganjiju), Seokcheon, Hakbawi rock, and etc., andtheestablishment of fusion type farm song museum were proposed. In terms of culture industry, we requested active support fromtheinstitutions including local governments and various farmsongstorytelling creation projects.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.76-98
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• 2023

The results of analyzing the outfits of male and female characters depicted in the "Hoehonryedocheop" (回婚禮圖帖, Deoksu 6375) held by the National Museum of Korea and estimating its production date of the "Hoehonryedocheop"are as follows. Firstly, an elderly groom is depicted wearing a patterned heukdanryeong (黑團領) with rank badges, a garment commonly donned by government officials in works such as "Jeonanryedo (奠鴈禮圖)" and "Gyobaeryedo (交拜禮圖)". And the old groom in "Heonsuryedo (獻壽禮圖)" "Jeobbindo (接賓圖)" and "Jungroeyeondo (重牢宴圖)" is shown wearing a jarip (purple hat) without a paeyoung (ornamental jewelry strap), accompanied by jade colored robe with a red strap belt. Gireokabeom (雁夫) is observed wearing a jarip (紫笠) adorned with a paeyoung (貝纓) and a patternless heukdanryeong with rank badges. Adult male descendants are depicted wearing dopo (道袍), while guests wear dopo, cheolrik (帖裏), and jikryeong (直領), accompanied by red and blue straps denoting their social status. Jingssi (徵氏), sidong (侍童), and young grandchildren are observed wearing jungchimak(中赤莫). The young servants are wearing jungchimak, and the boys carrying the food have braided their hair and worn sochangu (小氅衣), while adults servants wore jeonrip (氈笠) and sochangui. Performers are seen clad in a sochangui, jeonbok, and a blue sash around their waists. Secondly, the elderly bride is portrayed wearing a keunmeori (ceremonial headdress) and a green wonsam (圓衫) in "Gyobaeryedo," while in "Heonsuyeondo," she is depicted in a blue skirt and a jade colored jeogori (赤古里). Women descendants are shown adorning headdress decorations, such as binyeo(簪), banja(斑子) and pearl daenggi (眞珠唐紒) on their eoyeomeori (於于味, ceremonial headdress). They are further dressed in skirts of navy, red, and jade hues, paired with various-colored jeogori. Additionally, a woman wearing a navy skirt and a green jangot (長衣) is also depicted. The dongnyeo (童女, unmarried women) wear beolsaengmeri (娘子雙髻), headdress) with long binyeo and long dodaik-daenggi (都多益唐只). They wear chilbo-jokduri (七寶簇頭里) and a red skirt with a green hoejang-jeogori (回裝赤古里). Bija (婢子) wears garima (加里亇) on her eoyeomeori and is seen dressed in skirts and jeogori resembling those worn by noble women, albeit with lighter colors, shorter skirt length, and a subdued volume. Ginyeo's attire bears similarities to that of noble women, although with a dress with less vibrant tones and devoid of decorations on the eoyeomeori. Thirdly, based on the main character's jarip, along with the cheolrik and jikryeong worn by the guests, as well as the performances by musicians of the military camp, it is suggested that the main character of the 60th wedding anniversary is connected to the Ministry of Military Affairs or the military camp. Judging by the military band's short-sleeved vest, the silhouettes of the women dress, and the headdresses, it is likely that the "Hoehonryedocheop" was produced between the 1760s and 1780s.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.132-158
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• 2023

The five-story and seven-story stone pagodas at Cheongnyangsaji temple site in Gongju are located under the Sambulbong peak of Gyeryongsan mountain, and are known to have been built of the middle in Goryeo dynasty. As the two pagodas in which two types of Baekje stone pagoda coexist in one era, their historical and academic value are recognized. The seven-story pagoda was overturned by robbery in 1944, and as a result, the five-story pagoda was tilted. Although the two pagodas were restored in 1961, structural instability was continuously raised. In this study, measurement data accumulated from May 2021 to March 2022, and seasonal characteristics were reviewed, and the micro behavior of pagodas were analyzed according to temperature and precipitation during the same period. As a result, the micro thermoelastic behavior was repeated according to the daily temperature change in all sensors, and both the slope and the displacement showed microscale behavior. In the inclinometer, moisture containing the surface and inside of the stones repeated expansion and contraction due to temperature change, showing the micro movements. In particular, the upper part of the five-story pagoda moved up to 3.89° to the northwest, and the seven-story pagoda tilted up to 0.078° to the northeast. The maximum displacements were recorded as 0.127 and 0.149 mm in the five-story and the seven-story pagoda, respectively. These values tended to return to the original position at the end of the measurement, but did not recover completely, indicating a state requiring precise monitoring. The result obtained through the study can be used as basic data for the stable conservation of the two stone pagodas. Based on the behavioral characteristics considering various environmental factors should be analyzed, and the preventive conservation through the maintenance of measurement system built this time should be continued.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.94-108
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• 2023

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's onhaeng(溫行) base on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』『, Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』and cultural property such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). As the Onyang Tourist Hotel is located in the presumed site of the Onyanghaenggung Palace, even the identity of the Onyanghaenggung Palace site is being threatened without restoration efforts. The purpose of this study is to estimate the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace based on <Oncheonhaenggungdo> before the damages during the Japanese colonial period. To achieve these purposes, records related to Onhaeng during successive kings' terms in the Joseon Dynasty are first reviewed, before changes in the architecture of Onyanghaenggung Palace that took place in the Joseon Dynasty and damage suffered during the Japanese colonial period are summarized, and finally <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, <Eupji>, <Ancient Maps>, <Jijeokwondo> are reviewed. Based on these processes, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace is estimated by comparing the current Onyang Tourist Hotel and the surrounding area. The results of this study are as follows. First, if the 1,758 cheok(尺) of 「Onyanggun eupji」 and 「Hoseo eupji」 are converted in Jucheok(周尺), the scope of Onyanghaenggung Palace is close to the inner circumference of the site(垈) in Jijeokwondo(1914). Second, the streamlet leading to Oncheoncheon(溫泉川) from the southern side of Onyanggwan(溫陽館), the hot spring hole in use of <Distribution Map of Hot Spring(溫泉分布見取圖)>(1925, 1928), and considering the relationship of the inner east gate(內東門), Bigak(碑閣), Sinjeong(神井) of <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, the building of Hermann Gustav Theodor Sander and the Copyright Commission's Onyang Hot Springs photograph can be estimated as the Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot-spring, namely Tangsil(湯室). Third, in the process of developing to amusement park, the transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae site(a governmentowned property) was requested by Gyeongnam Railway Company, but Chungcheongnam-do denied transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae because of the importance in the history of Onyang Hot Springs, so the government-owned Yeonggaedae Monument site were permanently preserved at the current location together with the hoe tree(Sophora japonica L.). Also, Yeonggoedae in <Tourists Attractions around Gyeongnam Railway in Joseon (朝鮮京南鐵道沿線名所交通図絵)> (1929) is shown to exist in its current location, and it can be seen that the Shinjeong Monument Pavilion was moved to the front of Shinjeonggwan (神井館). Based on the circumference of Onyanghaenggung Palace, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot Spring (Tangsil) and Yeonggaedae Monument Pavilion, changes in roads and lots of land during the Japanese colonial period and the modern period, as well as the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace and other major buildings, can be estimated to extend to the current Shimin-ro and Onyang Hot Spring Market.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.82-108
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• 2024

With the transition of archaeological recording method's transition from analog to digital, the 3D scanning technology has been actively adopted within the field. Research on the digital archaeological digital data gathered from 3D scanning and photogrammetry is continuously being conducted. However, due to cost and manpower issues, most buried cultural heritage organizations are hesitating to adopt such digital technology. This paper aims to present a digital recording method of relics utilizing open-source software and photogrammetry technology, which is believed to be the most efficient method among 3D scanning methods. The digital recording process of relics consists of three stages: acquiring a 3D model, creating a joining map with the edited 3D model, and creating an digital drawing. In order to enhance the accessibility, this method only utilizes open-source software throughout the entire process. The results of this study confirms that in terms of quantitative evaluation, the deviation of numerical measurement between the actual artifact and the 3D model was minimal. In addition, the results of quantitative quality analysis from the open-source software and the commercial software showed high similarity. However, the data processing time was overwhelmingly fast for commercial software, which is believed to be a result of high computational speed from the improved algorithm. In qualitative evaluation, some differences in mesh and texture quality occurred. In the 3D model generated by opensource software, following problems occurred: noise on the mesh surface, harsh surface of the mesh, and difficulty in confirming the production marks of relics and the expression of patterns. However, some of the open source software did generate the quality comparable to that of commercial software in quantitative and qualitative evaluations. Open-source software for editing 3D models was able to not only post-process, match, and merge the 3D model, but also scale adjustment, join surface production, and render image necessary for the actual measurement of relics. The final completed drawing was tracked by the CAD program, which is also an open-source software. In archaeological research, photogrammetry is very applicable to various processes, including excavation, writing reports, and research on numerical data from 3D models. With the breakthrough development of computer vision, the types of open-source software have been diversified and the performance has significantly improved. With the high accessibility to such digital technology, the acquisition of 3D model data in archaeology will be used as basic data for preservation and active research of cultural heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.142-171
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• 2019

The dragon is an imaginary animal that appears in the legends and myths of the Orient and the West. While dragons have mostly been portrayed as aggressive and as bad omens in the West, in the Orient, as they symbolize the emperor or have an auspicious meaning, dragons signify a positive meaning. In addition, as the dragon symbolizes the emperor and its type has been diversified considering it as a divine object that controls water, people have tried to express it as a figure. The records related to dragons in the Goryeo dynasty appeared with diverse topics in 'History of Goryeo' and are generally contents related to founding myths, rituals for rain, and Shinii (神異), etc. The founding myth emphasizes the legality of the Goryeo dynasty through the dragon, and this influenced the formation of the dragon's descendants. In addition, the ability to control water, which is a characteristic of the dragon, was symbolized as an earth dragon related to the rainmaking ritual, i.e., wishing for rain during times of drought. Since the dragon was the symbol of the royal family, the use of the dragon by common people was strictly restricted. Furthermore, the association of a bronze dragon mirror with the royal family is hard to be excluded. The type and quantity of bronze double dragon mirrors discovered to have existed during the Goryeo dynasty is great, and the production and the distribution of bronze mirrors with double dragons seem to have been more active compared to other bronze mirrors, as bronze mirrors with double dragons produced during Goryeo and bronze mirrors originating in China were mixed. Therefore, in this article, the characteristics of diverse bronze mirrors from the 10th century to the 14th century in China were examined. It seems that the master craftsmen who produced bronze mirrors with double dragons during the Goryeo dynasty were influenced by Chinese composition patterns when making the mirrors. Because there were many cases where a bronze mirror's country of origin could not easily be determined, in order to identify the differences between bronze double dragon mirrors produced during the Goryeo dynasty and bronze mirrors produced in China, meticulous analysis was required. Thus, to ascertain that Goryeo mirrors were not imitations of bronze mirrors with double dragons originating in China but produced independently, the mirrors were examined using the bronze double dragon mirror type classification system existing in our country. Bronze mirrors with double dragons are classified into three types: Type I, which has the style of the Yao dynasty, includes the greatest proportion; however, despite there being only a small quantity for comparison, Types II and III were selected for the analysis of the bronze mirrors with double dragons made in Goryeo because they have unique composition patterns. As mentioned above, distinguishing bronze mirrors made during Goryeo from bronze mirrors made in China is challenging because Goryeo bronze mirrors were made under the influence of China. Among them, since the manufacturing place of the bronze mirrors with double dragons found at the nine-story stone pagoda in Woljeongsa Temple in Pyeongchang is questionable and the composition pattern of the bronze mirror is hard to find on bronze mirrors with double dragons made in China, the manufacturing place of those bronze mirrors were examined. These bronze mirrors with double dragons were considered as bronze mirrors with double dragons made during the Goryeo dynasty adopting the Yao dynasty style composition pattern as aspects of the composition pattern belonged to Type I, and the detailed combination of patterns is hard to find in mirrors produced in China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.5-19
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• 2008

Thirty six samples of Western asia glass vessel shards which were excavated from South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong were each measured for thickness, pore size and specific gravity and analyzed for ten major compositions and thirteen trace elements. The glass samples with colorless, greenish blue and dark purple blue were well classified by principal component analysis(PCA). All glass shards of Hwangnamdaechong belonged to Soda glass system ($Na_2O-CaO-SiO_2$) which have the range of 14~17% $Na_2O$ and 5~6% CaO. The corelation coefficients of (MgO, $K_2O$) and (MnO, CuO) showed above 0.90. The concentrations of thirteen trace elements apparently differentiated from colorless, greenish blue and dark blue glasses. We found that thirteen trace elements were very important indices for studying raw material of glass and the origin of glass making. Colorless glass : The specific gravity is $1.50{\pm}0.04$. Circle or oval circle pores are observed with regular direction in internal zone and the longest one is about 0.35 mm. The raw material of sodium must be the plant ash because sodium glasses contain HCLA(High CaO, Low $Al_2O_3$) and HMK(high MgO, high $K_2O$) and suggested to Sasanian glass. The total amount of coloring agent of colorless glass is below 1 % which is too small to attribute to the color. Greenish blue glass : The specific gravity is $1.58{\pm}0.04$. The fine pores which are 0.1~0.2mm are dispersed in internal zone. Sodium glasses are distributed to HCLA and HMK. Therefore the greenish blue glass also have used plant ash for raw material of sodium with the same as colorless glass. It was also suggested to the glass of Sasanian. The total amount of coloring agent of greenish blue glass is about 4% under the influence of working MnO, $Fe_2O_3$ and CuO. Dark purple blue glass : The specific gravity is $1.48{\pm}0.19$. There are rarely pores in internal zone. They are distributed to HCLA and LMK(Low MgO, Low $K_2O$) and suggested to Roman glass. The raw material of sodium is estimated to natron. The total amount of coloring agents of greenish blue is about 3% by $Fe_2O_3$ and CuO. These studies for western asia glass shards from South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong could be used in the future as the standard data which could be compared with those of other several graves in Korea and dispersed in foreign areas.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.230-250
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• 2013

possessed by Dong-A University Museum is designated as Treasure No. 595, and has been known for a more exquisite, delicate and realistic expression and a colorful three-dimensional structure compared to the 'grass and insect painting' work and its value in art history. However, it has not been analyzed and studied in fabric craft despite it being an embroidered work. This study used scientific devices to examine and analyze the Screen's fabric, thread colors, and embroidery techniques to clarify its patterns and fabric craft characteristics for its value in the history of fabric craft. As a result, consists of eight sides and its subject matters and composition are similar to those of the general paintings of grass and insects. The patterns on each side of the 'grass and insect painting' include cucumber, cockscomb, day lily, balsam pear, gillyflower, watermelon, eggplant, and chrysanthemums from the first side. Among these flowers, the balsam pear is a special material not found in the existing paintings of grass and insect. The eighth side only has the chrysanthemums with no insects and reptiles, making it different from the typical forms of the paintings of grass and insect. The fabric of the Screen uses black that is not seen in other decorative embroideries to emphasize and maximize various colors of threads. The fabric used the weave structure of 5-end satin called Gong Dan [non-patterned satin]. The threads used extremely slightly twisted threads that are incidentally twisted. Some threads use one color, while other threads use two or mixed colors in combination for three-dimensional expressions. Because the threads are severely deterioration and faded, it is impossible to know the original colors, but the most frequently used colors are yellow to green and other colors remaining relatively prominently are blue, grown, and violet. The colors of day lily, gillyflower, and strawberries are currently remaining as reddish yellow, but it is anticipated that they were originally orange and red considering the existing paintings of grass and insects. The embroidery technique was mostly surface satin stitch to fill the surfaces. This shows the traditional women's wisdom to reduce the waste of color threads. Satin stitch is a relatively simple embroidery technique for decorating a surface, but it uses various color threads and divides the surfaces for combined vertical, horizontal, and diagonal stitches or for the combination of long and short stitches for various textures and the sense of volume. The bodies of insects use the combination of buttonhole stitch, outline stitch, and satin stitch for three-dimensional expressions, but the use of buttonhole stitch is particularly noticeable. In addition to that, decorative stitches were used to give volume to the leaves and surface pine needle stitches were done on the scouring rush to add more realistic texture. Decorative stitches were added on top of gillyflower, strawberries, and cucumbers for a more delicate touch. is valuable in the history of paintings and art and bears great importance in the history of Korean embroidery as it uses outstanding technique and colors of Korea to express the Shin Sa-im-dang's 'Grass and Insect Painting'.