• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.96-116
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• 2022

The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.118-135
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• 2022

The primary purpose of this study is to estimate the structure of Byeongpungsadaseok (屛風莎臺石) and Nanganseok (欄干石) in Geonwonneung (建元陵) and Heonneung (獻陵), which were built in the early of 15th century, based on the Annals of King Sejong. In addition, the ultimate purpose of this study is to reveal structural changes and their significance by comparing the differences with the contents of the dismantlement survey. Geonwonneung, Jereung(齊陵), and Heonneung were repaired at the same time in 1442, and the structural changes were the similar. The purpose of the repair in 1442 was to prevent water from flowing into the underground palace with smooth drainage. As a result of estimating the structure of Geonwonneung and Heonneung according to the records of the Annals of King Sejong, it was created in a very similar form to the Hyeonneung and Jeongneung of Goryeo. And it was clearly recognized that the Royal Tomb of Goryeo was followed. However, as the structure was improved in 1442, the unique characteristics of the Royal Tomb of the Joseon Dynasty were formed. First is the appearance of the Bokbuhyeong lime (覆釜形石灰, which is a convex roof on the Byeongpungsadaseok that serves to prevent rainwater from penetrating into the burial mound. It also plays a role in connecting and fixing the Manseok (滿石) and the Inseok (引石), which are the upper structures of the Sadaseok (莎臺石). Second, the Bakseok (薄石) between the nanganseok and the sadaseok has been transformed into the Sangseok (裳石) with a slope. This plays a role in protecting the inner stone chamber by expanding the length of the bakseok, which forms an overall slope, like the eaves of the roof. After both of these features were first attempted in 1442, they were applied to all Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty and became unique features of these Royal Tombs.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.37-53
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• 2023

This study aimed to analyze the commemoration characteristics of the national war memorials made by the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics(the Soviet Union), and Germany that participated in World War II(WW II). The results of the study are summarized as follows. First, the creation of the WW II memorials of the United States, the Soviet Union, and Germany aimed to commemorate the dead and victims. By country, the United States promoted unity and victory with representing the just and great cause for freedom, and the communist Soviet Union emphasized the Great Patriotic War that defeated fascist Nazi Germany. On the other hand, Germany, which had difficulty in national commemoration, cherish the victims of the war and aimed for peace. Second, WW II memorials were located in places of national significance such as national representative places and battlefields, and in Germany they were built in church cemeteries and public cemeteries. In addition, it showed concise and moderate aesthetic characteristics with a symmetrical and formal form centered on the axis of space in memorials. Third, the United States and the Soviet Union commonly visualized the appearance of war on the memorial wall. By country, the United States engraved sacrifice and dedication for freedom, and differently the Soviet Union and East Germany engraved messages promoting communist ideology as memorial texts. As for landscape details and sculpture, the United States emphasized national unity through eagles symbolizing the country and a colonnade representing each state and territory, and the Soviet Union set up a communist-style soldier sculpture. The United States and the Soviet Union, both countries used sculptures and laurels that symbolize victory, but in Germany, the statues of a fallen soldiers were installed in the memorial. Politically, the United States commemorated the victory of the war and also promoted unity, and the Soviet Union emphasized the Great Patriotic War and promoted communism. As the United States, the Soviet Union, and the Germans believed in Christianity universally, Christian symbols such as the crucifixion, the church, and the statue of Evita were often used. Further study will be required to establish national identity at memorials and advanced commemorative culture in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.285-318
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• 2013

The purpose of this research is to examine the self-concept in the cyberspace, self-efficacy, relationship with friends, subjective well-being and academic grade among adolescents who are addicted to Internet and those who are not addicted to Internet. A total of 1,057 adolescents (male=545, female=512), 326 from middle school, 361 from high school, and 370 from special education school, participated in the study. The results are as follows. First, qualitative analysis of the conception of self in the cyberspace indicates that those adolescents addicted to Internet reported that in the cyberspace they have fun, followed by they are the same as in real life, they spend time in cyberspace and they can become an imaginary person. Those adolescents not addicted to Internet reported that in the cyberspace they are the same as in real life, followed by they spend time in cyberspace and they can become an imaginary person. When they play Internet games, majority of adolescents in both groups reported that it is fun, followed by they become engrossed and they become aggressive. Second, those adolescents who are not addicted to Internet had higher scores on self-efficacy than those adolescents who are addicted to Internet, including self-regulatory efficacy for learning, relational efficacy, and resiliency of efficacy. Third, the number of friends and close friends that adolescents who are not addicted to Internet were not significantly different from those adolescents who are addicted to Internet. However, those adolescents who are not addicted to Internet were more likely receive social support from friends and were less likely to be social excluded than those adolescents who are addicted to Internet. Fourth, those adolescents who are not addicted to Internet had significantly higher scores on subjective well-being than those adolescents who are addicted to Internet. Fifth, those adolescents who are not addicted to Internet had significantly higher scores on both subjective and objective academic grade than those adolescents who are addicted to Internet.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• 한국지구물리탐사학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2002.09a
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• pp.139-162
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• 2002

Since weak zones or geological lineaments are likely to be eroded, weak zones may develop beneath rivers, and a careful evaluation of ground condition is important to construct structures passing through a river. Dc resistivity surveys, however, have seldomly applied to the investigation of water-covered area, possibly because of difficulties in data aquisition and interpretation. The data aquisition having high quality may be the most important factor, and is more difficult than that in land survey, due to the water layer overlying the underground structure to be imaged. Through the numerical modeling and the analysis of case histories, we studied the method of resistivity survey at the water-covered area, starting from the characteristics of measured data, via data acquisition method, to the interpretation method. We unfolded our discussion according to the installed locations of electrodes, ie., floating them on the water surface, and installing at the water bottom, since the methods of data acquisition and interpretation vary depending on the electrode location. Through this study, we could confirm that the dc resistivity method can provide the fairly reasonable subsurface images. It was also shown that installing electrodes at the water bottom can give the subsurface image with much higher resolution than floating them on the water surface. Since the data acquired at the water-covered area have much lower sensitivity to the underground structure than those at the land, and can be contaminated by the higher noise, such as streaming potential, it would be very important to select the acquisition method and electrode array being able to provide the higher signal-to-noise ratio data as well as the high resolving power. The method installing electrodes at the water bottom is suitable to the detailed survey because of much higher resolving power, whereas the method floating them, especially streamer dc resistivity survey, is to the reconnaissance survey owing of very high speed of field work.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.212-240
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• 2022

This study is a multi-layered exploration of 「The Thirty-Six Scenery of Seongdeok Summer Mountain Resort(承德避暑山莊三十六景)」 (The 36th view of Kangxi) recited by Emperor Kangxi of China through literature study, ancient calligraphy diagrams, and field studies. The conclusion of tracing the landscape characteristics and implications contained in 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 through the analysis of the headword(標題語) and the interpretation of the Jeyeong poem(題詠詩) is as follows. 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 is an extension of the outer edge of the Eight Sceneries, and when compared to the existing Eight Sceneries peom and Eight Sceneries painting, it is found that the landscape is centered on the 'viewpoint' rather than the landscape object. In particular, it aimed to create a structured landscape centered on nine types of buildings represented by 'Jeon(殿)' and 'Jeong(亭)' was given. In particular, Yeouiju, located in Lake district, is a scenic country endowed with the character of a gardens in Garden, which is composed by collecting famous representative Chinese landscapes and landscapes of Sansu-si and Sanshu Painting. As a result of headword analysis to understand the characteristics of landscape components, 14 landscapes (38.9%) related to water elements and 13 landscapes(36.1%) related to mountain elements, the elements related to architecture and civil engineering were classified in the order of 3 cases(8.3%), and the elements related to the skylight were classified in the order of 2 cases(5.6%). However, in Jeyeong-si, the mention of landscape vocabulary for climate elements was overwhelming. In other words, in the poems of 「The 36th Scenery of Kangxi」, scenery vocabulary symbolizing 'coolness' such as 雲(cloud), 水(water), 泉(spring), 清(clear), 波(wave), 流(wave), 風(wind) and 無暑(without heat), etc. It is not a coincidence that it appears, and it is strongly attached to the sense of place of Summer Mountain Resort in Rehe(熱河). Among the 23 landscapes whose seasonal background was confirmed, the fact that the lower landscape is portrayed as the majority and the climate elements of the resort area are portrayed in three-dimensional and multi-dimensional ways are closely related to the period of enjoying the gardens of Kangxi, the main subject of the landscape. In addition, many animal and plant landscapes appearing in Jeyeong-si appear to be in the same context as the spatial attributes of not only recreation, but also contemplation and hunting. On the other hand, in Jeyeongsi, there are 33 wonders(91.7%) citing famous people and famous books through ancient poems, old stories, and ancient stories tends to be prominent. It is inferred that this was based on Kangxi's understanding and pride in traditional Chinese culture. In 「The 36th view of Kangxi」, not only a book-writing description of the feelings of being entrusted to the family sutras, but also the spirit of patriotism, love, self-discipline and respect for mother and filial piety are strongly implied. Ultimately, 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 shows the real scene of the resort, as well as the spiritual dimension, in a multi-faceted and three-dimensional way, and the spirit of an emperor based on the dignity of the royal family and the sentiments of a writer it deserves to be called a collection of imperial records that were intended to reveal.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.14-26
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• 2011

Imdaejeong Wonlim is located on the verge of Sangsa Village in Sapyeong-ri, Daepyeong-myeon, Hwasun-gun Gyeongsangnam-do toward Northwest. It was planned by Sa-ae, Minjuhyeon in 1862 on the basis of Gobanwon built by Nam Eongi in 16th century against the backdrop of Mt. Bongjeong and facing Sapyeong Stream. As water flows from west to east in the shape of crane, this area is a propitious site standing for prosperity and happiness. This area shows a distinct feature of Wonlim surrounding the Imdaejeong with multi layers as consisting of 5 districts - front yard where landmark stone with engraved letters of 'Janggujiso of Master Sa-ea' and junipers are harmoniously arranged, internal garden of upper pavilion ranging from a pavilion to square pond with a little island in the middle, Sugyeongwon of under pavilionu consisting of 2 ponds with a painting of three taoist hermits, forest of Mt. Bonggeong and external garden including Sapyeong Stream and farmland. According to documentation and the results of on-site investigation, it is certainly proved that Imdaejeong Wonlim was motivated by Byeoseo Wonlim which realized the idea of 'going back to hometown after resignation' following the motives of Janggujiso, a hideout aimed to accomplish the ideology, 'training mind and fostering innate nature,' on the peaceful site surrounded by water and mountain, as well as motives of Sesimcheo(洗心處) to be unified with morality of Mother Nature, etc. In addition, it implies various imaginary landscapes such as Pihangji, Eupcheongdang, square pond with an island and painting of three Taoist hermits based on a notion that 'the further scent flies away, the fresher it becomes,' which is originated from Aelyeonseol(愛蓮說). In terms of technique of natural landscape treatment, divers techniques are found in Imdaejeong Wonlim such as distant view of Mt. Bongjeong, pulling view with an intention of transparent beauty of moonlight, circle view of natural and cultural sceneries on every side, borrowed scenary of pastoral rural life adopted as an opposite view, looked view of Sulyundaero, over looked view of pond, static view in pavilion and paths, close view of water space such as stream and pond, mushroom-and-umbrella like view of Imdaejeong, vista of pond surrounded by willows, imaginary view of engraved letters meaning 'widen knowledge by studying objectives' and selected view to comprise sunrise and sunset at the same time. In the beginning of construction, various plants seemed to be planted, albeit different from now, such as Ginkgo biloba, Phyllostachys spp., Salix spp., Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla, Morus bombycis, Juglans mandschurica, Paulownia coreana, Prunus mume, Nelumbo nucifera, etc. Generally, it reflected dignity of Confucianism or beared aspect of semantic landscape implying Taoist taste and idea of Phoenix wishing a prosperity in the future. Furthermore, a diversity of planting methods were pursued for such as liner planting for the periphery of pond, bosquet planting and circle planting adopted around the pavilion, spot planting using green trees, solitary planting of monumentally planted Paulownia coreana and opposite planting presenting the Abies holophylla into yin and yang.

• Reproductive and Developmental Biology
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.163-168
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• 2005

The aim of this study was to investigate the changes in insulin-like growth factor-I (IGF-I) and growth hormone (GH) in serum, the quantitation of spermato-genesis and the comparable relationships among these measurements during pubertal period in New Zealand White male rabbits. To investigate the age-related testicular changes in DNA contents of spermatogenic cells, the fine-needle testicular biopsies from males aged 10 to 28 wks were evaluated by flow cytometry(FCM). Body weight increased significantly between the ages of 12 and 20 wks (P<0.05) and reached 3.4 kg at 28 wks of age. The highest serum IGF-I level (451.3ng/mL) was observed at 20wks of age (P<0.05) and thereafter remained stable at low levels. Serum GH level at 18 wks of age was 183.3 pg/mL which was significantly higher compared to the other ages (P<0.05), and the rising time in serum GH tend to be somewhat earlier than that of IGF-I. The relative percentage of It-cells in testicular cell compartments was $48.2\%$ at the age of 18 wks which significantly increased than those of 16-wk-old (P<0.05) and thereafter increased with the advance of age to $68\%$. The percentage of 2C-cells in testis was $26.8\%$ at 18 wks of age which was significantly lower than $54.3\%$ at 16 wks old (P<0.05). The percentage of 4C-cells was constantly maintained $2\~6\%$ except the $9.9\%$ at 18 wks of age. In conclusion, the results suggest that the puberty onset occurred at about the 18 wks of age and that the IGF-I and GH in serum during the pubertal period showed the age/growth-specific changes and these changes might be related to the spermatogenesis. The DNA FCM combined with fine-needle testicular biopsy could offer a very sensitive method to monitor the quantitative spermatogenic events related to the puberty onset.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.26
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• pp.103-149
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• 2010

Documentation strategy has been experimented in various subject areas and local regions since late 1980's when it was proposed as archival appraisal and selection methods by archival communities in the United States. Though it was criticized to be too ideal, it needs to shed new light on the potentialities of the strategy for documenting local regions in digital environment. The purpose of this study is to analyse the implementation issues of documentation strategy and to suggest the directions for documenting local regions of Korea through the application of the strategy. The documentation strategy which was developed more than twenty years ago in mostly western countries gives us some implications for documenting local regions even in current digital environments. They are as follows; Firstly, documentation strategy can enhance the value of archivists as well as archives in local regions because archivist should be active shaper of history rather than passive receiver of archives according to the strategy. It can also be a solution for overcoming poor conditions of local archives management in Korea. Secondly, the strategy can encourage cooperation between collecting institutions including museums, libraries, archives, cultural centers, history institutions, etc. in each local region. In the networked environment the cooperation can be achieved more effectively than in traditional environment where the heavy workload of cooperative institutions is needed. Thirdly, the strategy can facilitate solidarity of various groups in local region. According to the analysis of the strategy projects, it is essential to collect their knowledge, passion, and enthusiasm of related groups to effectively implement the strategy. It can also provide a methodology for minor groups of society to document their memories. This study suggests the directions of documenting local regions in consideration of current archival infrastructure of Korean as follows; Firstly, very selective and intensive documentation should be pursued rather than comprehensive one for documenting local regions. Though it is a very political problem to decide what subject has priority for documentation, interests of local community members as well as professional groups should be considered in the decision-making process seriously. Secondly, it is effective to plan integrated representation of local history in the distributed custody of local archives. It would be desirable to implement archival gateway for integrated search and representation of local archives regardless of the location of archives. Thirdly, it is necessary to try digital documentation using Web 2.0 technologies. Documentation strategy as the methodology of selecting and acquiring archives can not avoid subjectivity and prejudices of appraiser completely. To mitigate the problems, open documentation system should be prepared for reflecting different interests of different groups. Fourth, it is desirable to apply a conspectus model used in cooperative collection management of libraries to document local regions digitally. Conspectus can show existing documentation strength and future documentation intensity for each participating institution. Using this, documentation level of each subject area can be set up cooperatively and effectively in the local regions.