• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.273-310
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• 2020

This study aims at empirically analyzing the overall mechanism of the "Gray Zone Strategy", which has begun to be used as one of Chinese major maritime security strategies in maritime conflicts surrounding the South China Sea and East China Sea since early 2010, and comparing the resulting conflict patterns in those reg ions. To this end, I made the following two hypotheses about Chinese gray zone strategy. The hypotheses that I have argued in this study are the first, "The marine gray zone strategy used by China shows different structures of implementation in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, which are major conflict areas.", the second, "Therefore, the patterns of disputes in the South China Sea and the East China Sea also show a difference." In order to examine this, I will classify Chinese gray zone strategy mechanisms multi-dimensionally in large order, 1) conflict trends and frequency of strategy execution, 2) types and strengths of strategy, 3) actors of strategy execution, and 4) response methods of counterparts. So, I tried to collect data related to this based on quantitative modeling to test these. After that, about 10 years of data pertaining to this topic were processed, and a research model was designed with a new categorization and operational definition of gray zone strategies. Based on this, I was able to successfully test all the hypotheses by successfully comparing the comprehensive mechanisms of the gray zone strategy used by China and the conflict patterns between the South China Sea and the East China Sea. In the conclusion, the verified results were rementioned with emphasizing the need to overcome the security vulnerabilities in East Asia that could be caused by China's marine gray zone strategy. This study, which has never been attempted so far, is of great significance in that it clarified the intrinsic structure in which China's gray zone strategy was implemented using empirical case studies, and the correlation between this and maritime conflict patterns was investigated.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.63-86
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• 2009

With increasing uncertainty of energy market in the world, the policies for the energy resource security have become crucial Several countries with poor energy resource like Netherlands and Singapore have pursued the policy for becoming an oil hub in the region. Singapore has been an oil hub in East Asia for a long time not only because it is well located with a large number of countries exporting and importing oil but it has also pursued strong policies to become an oil hub while establishing favourable institutional, regulatory and business environment for accommodating major refineries and petro-chemical companies. However with growing trading volume of petroleum products in Northeast Asia and a record high price of oil in these days, the necessities of another oil hub in the region are considered in order to reap benefits of the security of economical and stable oil. South Korea is situated astride the main North Pacific shipping route, with deep water ports and proximity to Chinese and Japanese industrial centres that make tank terminal operators Ideal choices for the oil hub in Northeast Asia although it has several disadvantages such as lack of independent storage facilities, underdeveloped oil trading market and unfavourable business friendly climates etc. This study is focused on examining the globalization strategies of tank terminal operators such as Vopak, Oiltanking and Odfjell in order to suggest the policy implications for becoming an oil tub in Northeast Asia.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.37-64
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• 2014

The year 2010 has been regarded as a year of China's assertive diplomacy. A series of China's behavior--including China's critical reaction to the U.S. for its sales of weapons to Taiwan, the Dalai Lama's visit to President Obama, China's arbitrary designation of 'core interests' over the South China Sea, China's inordinate reactions to the sinking of the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong bombardment, and China's activities in the Senkaku/Diaoyu island areas--has served as the witnesses to China's assertive diplomacy in 2010. The major causes of China's assertive diplomacy can be summed up by three factors: potential power transition from U.S. to China; emerging China's nationalism; and the recession of the Tao Guang Yang Hui as a diplomatic principle. But a majority of Western sinologists claim that China's assertive diplomacy is defensive in terms of its character. China's neighboring states, however, perceive its assertive diplomacy as diplomatic threat. Due to these states' geographical proximity and capability gaps with China, these neighbors experience difficulties in coping with China's behavior. In particular, China's coercive economic diplomacy, in which China tends to manipulate the neighbors' economic dependency on China for its diplomatic leverage, is a case in point for China's assertive diplomacy. China's assertiveness seems to be continued even after the inauguration of Xi Jinping government. Although the Xi government's diplomatic rhetorics in "New Type of Great Power Relationship" and the "Convention for Neighboring States Policy" sound friendly and cooperative, its subsequent behavior, like unilateral announcement of Chinese Air Defense Identification Zone (CADIZ), does not conform with its rhetoric. Overall, China's assertiveness has been consolidated as a fashion of its diplomacy, and it is likely to continue in its relations with neighbors. As a neighboring state, the ROK should approach to it with more balanced attitude. In addition, it needs to find out a new diplomatic leverage to deal with China in accordance with its security environment, in which China plays a growing role.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.63-67
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• 2017

With the rise of China, the power and hegemony is moving to China in East Asia. The foreign policy of the China government is directly or indirectly affecting Korea, neighboring countries and the world. China is advocating a new international policy, a new security system, silk road policy and a new paradigm. China is a newly emerging powerful nation in Asia, and it is clear that China has the economic power to reestablish the Asian order and take over the hegemony. In addition, we want to run the world supremacy with the United States in political, economic, military and diplomatic sectors. In order to overcome the crisis of the Korean peninsula, which is being triggered by North Korea's nuclear and missile development, we are in the position to do our best to cooperate with Korea, the United States and Japan and further improve relations with China. In this study, I analyzed the policy of Southeast Asia and China macroscopically.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.5-32
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• 2015

Geopolitics or Political Geography is an essential academic field that should be studied carefully for a more comprehensive analysis of international security relations. However, because of its tarnished image as an ideology that supported the NAZI German expansion and aggression, geopolitics has not been regarded as a pure academic field and was rejected and expelled from the academic communities starting from the Cold War years in 1945. During the Cold War, ideology, rather than geography, was considered more important in conducting and analyzing international relations. However, after the end of the Cold War and with the beginning of a new era in which territorial and religious confrontations are taking place among nations - including sub national tribal political organizations such as the Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations - geopolitical analysis again is in vogue among the scholars and analysts on international security affairs. Most of the conflicts in international relations that is occurring now in the post-Cold War years can be explained more effectively with geopolitical concepts. The post - Cold War international relations among East Asian countries are especially better explained with geopolitical concepts. Unlike Europe, where peaceful development took place after the Cold War, China, Japan, Korea, the United States, Taiwan and Vietnam are feeling more insecure in the post-Cold War years. Most of the East Asian nations' economies have burgeoned during the Cold War years under the protection of the international security structure provided by the two superpowers. However, after the Cold War years, the international security structure has not been stable in East Asia and thus most of the East Asian nations began to build up stronger military forces of their own. Because most of the East Asian nations' national security and economy depend on the oceans, these nations desire to obtain more powerful navies and try to occupy islands, islets, or even rocks that may seem like a strategic asset for their economy and security. In this regard, the western Pacific Ocean is becoming a place of confrontation among the East Asian nations. As Robert Kaplan, an eminent international analyst, mentioned, East Asia is a Seascape while Europe is a Landscape. The possibility of international conflict on the waters of East Asia is higher than in any other period in East Asia's international history.

• Proceedings of the Plant Resources Society of Korea Conference
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• 2018.04a
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• pp.35-35
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• 2018

터리풀속(Filipendula)은 장미과(Rosaceae), 장미아과(Rosoideae)에 속하는 다년생 초본이며, 북반구 온대지역의 산지지역에 서식하며 15-20여 종이 보고되어 있고, 이 중 10여종이 한국, 중국, 일본, 타이완 등의 동아시아 지역에 분포한다. 본 연구의 목적은 DNA 염기서열 자료를 이용하여 터리풀속(Filipendula)내 종들간의 계통관계를 규명하기 위하여 본 연구를 수행하였다. 이를 위해서 11종 29개체의 터리풀속(Filipendula)샘플과 외군인 산딸기나무속(Rubus)에 속하는 3종 5개체의 샘플을 이용하였다. 추가로 Genbank에서 3속 10종 18개의 염기서열을 다운받아 비교분석에 이용하였다. 계통연구를 위하여 엽록체에 존재하는 atpF-atpH, psbK-psbI, psbA-trnH, matK, rbcL, 5개 마커와 핵에 존재하는 ITS, 총 6개 마커의 염기서열을 생산하였다. 총 52개의 샘플에 대하여 엽록체유전체 5개 마커지역은 염기서열 길이가 3,485bp였고 핵 ITS지역은 631bp였으며, 이들을 합한 염기서열 길이는 4,116bp였다. 계통분석결과, 터리풀속(Filipendula)은 단계통군을 이루었다. F. occidentalis와 F. vulgaris가 기저분류군을 이루었고 이들은 각각의 아속에 해당한다. 그리고 나머지 종들은 모두 하나의 단계통군을 이루었다. 위의 결과들은 1961년 시미즈가 본 속을 Hypogyna아속, Filipendula아속, Ulmaria아속으로 나눈 분류시스템과 일치한다. 나아가 분자계통수에서 Ulmaria아속은 크게 4개의 subclade로 구분되었다. 먼저 subclade I에는 F. vestita, F. kiraishiensis, F. tsuguwoi, F. multijiuga, F. purpurea 등 5개 종으로 구성되었다. Subclade II는 F. ulmaria 한 종으로만 구성되었다. Subclade III에는 F. glaberrima, F. koreana, F. formosa, F.camtschatica 로 구성되었으며 subclade III에는 한국에 서식하는 3종이 포함되었다. Subclade IV에는 F. rubra, F. angustiloba, F. palmata, F. intermedia 4종으로 구성되었다. 이번연구에서는 Ulmaria아속내에 4개의 subclade가 존재함이 처음으로 확인되었다.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.149-173
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• 2020

While the United States and other Western states are in trouble with COVID-19 crisis, China is continuing its aggressive ocean expansion with its Gray-zone strategy. The Gray-zone strategy, which China uses around the South China Sea, refers to a strategy that promotes a change in international politics by creating an unclear state, neither war or peace. China, which is trying to expand its influence across East Asia, will also try to project a Gray zone strategy on the Korean Peninsula. The possible scenarios are as follows: 1) South Korea is accidentally involved in a dispute in the South China Sea, 2) Military conflicts between South Korea and China is caused by illegal fishing of Chinese boats in Yellow Sea, 3) China tries to interfere with Socotra Rock, 4) Unlikely, but possible in the future that China induce the military conflicts between Korea and Japan on the Dokdo issue. In order to cope with these scenarios, Korea should prepare the following measures from a long-term perspective: the creation of an Asian maritime safety fleet, the integ rated operation of the navy and the coast guard in the framework of the national fleet, and strengthening the conflict control system for China's provocations.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.229-261
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• 2012

Concerning the political situations of Korea, after the coming of MB Administration the blockades between South and North has been deepened. Because of stopping of the tourism of Diamond Mountain, the Cheonan ship accidents and the ** bombardment of Yeonpyung island, the situation of confrontation of South and North is enlarged. After the death of Kim Jong-il, on 17 Dec. 2011, the new situations are opened in North Korea(NK). On the basis of economic cooperation between South and North, various logistical cooperation of South and North has been progressed. On November of 2002, the 1st Shipping Cooperation Meeting of South and North, which may be a basis of Shipping Agreement has been discussed. And the railway between South and North has been connected. This study, screening the change of South and North conditions, analyzed the tasks and current conditions of South and North logistics based on economic cooperation, with the previous researches and data of South and North Korea. And it grouped and suggested future development directions and practical agenda, after considering the recent changes. Furthermore it proposed the medium-long term logistical system of Korea peninsula and future strategies and vision. To solve the confrontation situations the role of South Korea is more important.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.121-146
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to study on China's emergence and its influence on international society against the U.S. hegemony. Recently, China's influence has proliferated in Central Asia as well as East Asia at a rapid rate. China, through its soft balancing strategy, increased its influence in Central Asia in response to the U.S. power and behavior. This study analyzes the relationship among China and Central Asia with the view of soft balancing theory. In order to determine whether China's strategy on Central Asia is soft balancing, this paper presents three indicators: 1) Second-tier major power is willing to take a strategy that increase diplomatic cost of hegemony or counter the hegemony influence through using regional and global multilateral cooperation. 2) Second-tier major power is willing to not only increase its influence by strengthening regional economic cooperation, but also check the extension of the hegemony economic influence into its boundary. 3) Second-tier major power intends to prevent expanding hegemony military influence into the region through limited military cooperation and increasing military spending, and denying territory. This paper analyze China's multi-polar strategy, economic and energy cooperation with Central Asia countries, and the military and security cooperation with multilateral organizations such as SCO.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.388-401
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• 2011

Asian dust was observed a total of 66 times in the springtime during the period from 2002 to 2010, with 26 cases in March, 23 cases in April and 17 cases in May. This study investigates a Asian dust episode that occurred during the period from 22 to 25 May 2010, based on synoptic weather patterns, wind vector at 850 hPa, relative humidity at 1000 hPa, Jet streams and wind vector at 300 hPa, PM10 concentration in Korea and satellite imagery. In this case, Asian dust originated on 22 May along the rear of a developing low pressure system in Mongolia. The Asian dust was then transported southeastward and bypassed the Korea peninsula from 23 to 24 May, before reaching Japan on 25 May. Jet streams on 24 May bypassed the Korean peninsula and induced the development of a surface low pressure centered over the peninsula. The resulting air flow was critical to the trajectory of the Asian dust, which likewise bypassed the Korean peninsula. 72-hour backward trajectory data reveal that the Shandong Peninsula and the East China Sea were the points of origin for the air flows that swept through the Japanese sites where Asian dust was observable to the naked eay. The Asian dust pathway is ascertained by horizontal distribution of the Asian dust of RGB imagery from MODIS satellites which captured the Asian dust moving over the Shandong Peninsula, the East China Sea, and northwest of the Kyushu region in Japan. Since the synoptic pattern and the transport way of the Asian dust case are far from typical ones, which Asian dust forecasting technique has long been based on, this study can be good example of exceptional Asian dust pattern and it will be used for more accurate Asian dust forecasting.