• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.12
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• pp.557-565
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• 2021

This study was attempted to identify differences in self-esteem and grit in adolescents depending on the type of parenting attitude. Among the Korea Children Youth Panel Survey conducted by National Youth Policy Institute, the data of 2,438 first-year middle school students in 2018 year were analyzed. The collected data were analyzed using hierarchical cluster analysis and k-mean cluster analysis. As a result, the adolescent's perceived parenting attitude was classified into four types: 'passive affection acceptance', 'active affection acceptance', 'authoritarian inconsistency', and 'lack of affection rejection'. Also, there were significant differences in self-esteem and the degree of grit among the four clusters of parenting attitudes. Both self-esteem and grit were highest in the "active affection acceptance" group 2. In the future, differentiated parental education is needed for each cluster to improve self-esteem and grit of adolescents, and this study can be used as a basic data for the development of educational programs.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.199-225
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• 2017

Death and the Maiden(1990), by the Chilean playwright Ariel Dorfman, directly addresses the issue of liquidating the past that the transient democratic government of Patricio Aylwin faced, the government established right after the end of the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. This article focuses on analyzing the aspects of conflicts and discords between memories of individuals as reflected in the conversations between characters of the play. For example. we look into the effects of traumatic memories of Paulina, tortured and raped by the past government, on her everyday life and examine the relationship between her personal memory and the collective memory. We also look into the discourse of the dominating memory through the confession of the rapist doctor Roberto, and observe how Gerardo, a lawyer appointed as a member of the investigation committee, exposes the truth of the case and mediates the conflict of the memories between the two characters. We uncover the problems inherent in the state memory as it tries to intervene in the strife in memories between assailants and victims and explore the possibility that the concept of memory deterritorialization would be an alternative to overcome these problems.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.351-377
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• 2008

Corruption in China became increasingly serious during the early period of its social transition, resulting in severe economic losses and huge challenges to China's government institution, as well as gradually becoming socially widespread. Recently. China's political corruption is an outcome of the attenuated political control, which has been caused by a systemic change from planned economy to market economy since 1978, and the lack of institutionalization to relieve such transition. Besides, the immature market system and state's intervention in the economy are other factors for the corruption. In short, current China's corruption can be regarded as a structuralized phenomenon. This article identified such circumstance by analyzing the scope, degree, and scale of the corruption. Overall assessment of the some factors suggests that present economic modernization is a principal cause for Chinese corruption while the other factors-monopoly power system in the Chinese Communist Party and the transformation of connection-are important but secondary.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute Of Construction Engineering and Management
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• 2008.11a
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• pp.115-118
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• 2008

The promotion of overseas projects by construction enterprises has appeared as a way to overcome the current business difficulties of the Korean construction industry, which largely caused by the slow growth of the domestic market and the intensified competition among construction companies. The government has also shown considerable interests in the strategic approach of promoting construction projects by private companies in natural resource-rich countries, which helps the internationalization of Korean companies and the acouisition of natural resources. In this regard, this research examines the status of the construction market in the Democratic Republic of the Congo(DRC) whose potential economic growth is considered as significant, while exploring the appropriate Investment strategies of Korean construction enterprise. Since little appears to be known about the construction market and economic conditions of the DRC, after a documented review of the development trajectory of the country, a field investigation was preformed in June 2008 for obtaining information on the subjects. This research finds that the road construction is the area to fulfill the several important criteria of implementing construction projects in developing regions, including the safety/reliability for gaining investment profits, the possibility of implementing construction projects on the gradual basis, the possibility of using the facilities after the project completion, and the linkage between payment and the construction stages. In regard to the current economic situation of the DRC and the policies of the DRC government, a package deal approach, which contains the exchange of the infrastructure construction by the Korean companies and the provision of natural resources by the DRC government, is the most feasible method for Korean companies to promote their businesses in the DRC's construction market.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.10 no.10
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• pp.2873-2878
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• 2009

Since Germany was unified in 1990, Korea became the only country that has the division in the world. This division has various bad effects on Korea's status with not reliable security, forfeited national impression, loss of tourism income and so on. Kim Jung-Il national defense committee chairman is the current dictator of North Korea which is a socialist state. Even if he is getting old, his successor is not proclaimed. In this situation, his sudden aggravation of health can cause seriously bad effects on diplomatic relations especially with South Korea. Therefore, the health information about Kim Jung-Il national defense committee chairman will be very important information. In order to deal this problem, we propose the method of extracting the Kim Jung-Il national defense committee chairman's health from his pictures which are recently open to the public by employing the diagnosis Ocular Inspection used in Oriental medicine. n order to get an accurate result, revising the Kim Jung-Il national defense committee chairman's pictures, which are not taken in a controled equal situation, is necessary. Therefore we employed the color analysis process with color revising and color differential comparing process without color revising. With these processes, we can make diagnosis of his diabetes and complications.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.132-164
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• 2015

The formation of knowledge of the people of Korean society is the social practices of collective subjectivity. Subjectivity is the truth of the self, which is incessantly created, questioned and modified in the milieu of self-reflection. In an attempt to examine the hermeneutics of the subject of Korean society, a conceptual framework is proposed, which, with the notion of life embedded, consists of a historical sequence of the popular, minjung, multitude, people and community. The period of 1960s saw the ambiguous mass of lifes floating, the individual with his/her own interior world of consciousness emerge. The ideological solidarity is formed in the the next two decades, in contestation with immediate and physical threatening such as poverty and dictatorship. The democratization of Korean society and the global expansion of neoliberal regime gave a re-birth of multitude and people which is characterized with their pursuit of the co-existence and co-realization of singularity and universality on the ethical principle of the open and communicative radicality.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.255-285
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• 2013

The aim of this study is to demonstrate how Self-Sufficiency Promotion Centers (SSP Centers) run by social movement groups have struggled to defend their voluntary identities in conflict with SSP Centers operated by professional social welfare centers. Since political democratization, social movement groups have been increasing invited to run frontline public welfare agencies in South Korea, and Self-Sufficiency Program is one of the representative policies in which social movement groups have actively partaked. But many critical scholars have warned that such institutionalization of social movements into social welfare system is likely to dampen their voluntary nature and force them to render their hegemonic power to professional social welfare institutions. In contrast to the critical viewpoint, however, this study unveils how social movement-based SSP Centers have strived to tackle the professionalization pressure by deploying various survival strategies at the micro level. Through a historical discourse analysis on the frontline conflicts between social movement-based and social welfare-based SSP Centers, this study contends that social movement groups in Self-Sufficiency Program can still maintain their traditional spirit despite the obvious professionalization phenomenon.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.407-430
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to prove double faced heterotopiatic placeness of North Korea which can be highlighted to one aspect through priming test. Korean-Americans are found to have a perception of North Korea as a closed society where political leader cult is practiced, Pyongyang as a display city. They have Christian nostalgia toward it as a place where Christianity was first introduced to. North Korea's heterotopiatic placeness is sharing the 5,000 years of history of the Korea peninsula on the one hand and being a closed dictatorship place on the other. North Korea is kept isolated and closed but has had a liminal space through the intentional open system like special economic zone. Pyongyang is the city for specific class where it shows the heterotopiatic character. Priming is found effective in Yeongbyun, a place of extreme mixtures placeness as being the hometown of the beloved Korean poet Kim So-Wol and the site of nuclear weapon experiment but Korean-Americans have not found any priming effect regarding the Geumgang mountain tour. As to the Arirang performance, a man-made landscape expressing North Korea's sense of value and ideology, priming resulted in preference. This study raises the needs for understanding North Korea as a multifaced placeness and it can purposely be emphasized and changed to contribute the two Korea's unification.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.