• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.27
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• pp.283-316
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• 2004

This study examines different news frames of local newspapers reporting the controversial 'Nu[lear Waste Site' issues which deeply split regions showing their intention to bid for the state affair. Three local papers were analyzed for this study, "Gwang-Ju-Il-bo" "Mae-il-sin-mun" and "Jun-buk-il-bo." Overall, the three local papers displayed widely divergent main news frames on the same issue. Firstly, "Gwang-Ju-Il-bo", and "Mae-il-sln-mun" showed the strong tendency of using 'counter frame' while "Jun-buk-il-bo" exhibited 'loral development frame'. Secondly, "Gwang-Ju-Il-bo", and "Mae-il-sin-mun" were frequently headlined 'Nuclear Waste Site', while "Jun-buk-il-bo" carried headlines 'Radioactive Waste Management Facility' overwhelmingly more often than the other two papers, indicating that headline key words are closely associated with the configuration of news frames. Thirdly, the main news frames remained consistent for "Gwang-Ju-Il-bo", and "Mae-il-sin-mun" even after the government's report about the possible connection of 'ion-beam irradiation-accelator' and 'Nuclear Waste Site.' On the other hand, "Jun-buk-il-bo" was significantly less headlined 'Nuclear Waste Site' while significantly more headlined "Radioactice Waste Management Facility." "Jun-Buk-il-bo" which is in stark contrast to the other two papers changed in its tone by increasing the 'local development frame' with decrease in the 'counter frame.' The "Jun-buk-il-bo"'s more frequent use of 'Radioactive Waste Management Facility' as a headline than "Nuclear Waste Management Equipment" is seen as its attempt to minimize negative image of Nuclear Waste and to promote favorable public opinion by highlighting aspects of economic benefits and the local development the construction would brind about. The major findings of this study further support the claim that media overage ends up a reality. The fact that Buan in Jun-buk Province made a successful bid for the construction is not a coincidence.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.189-224
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• 2017

The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.73-103
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• 2017

With the introduction and expansion of 'maker movement', maker culture captured attention and saw itself as an emerging culture. This study aims to analyze published books, policy report, columns and news articles related to maker culture through the perspective of critical discourse analysis. Maker movement led by the government gives meaning to the maker culture as the force of 'creative economy' that can overcome the economic crisis. Following this meaning making, one-man digital fabrication start-ups have been actively promoted by government policies. In the case of Seoul, it criticizes government led maker movement that only focuses on economy and institutionalizes maker movement by focusing on the maker culture's aspect as 'digital social innovation' that can resolve social problems. In the world of art, it tries to rediscover the value craft, that is, 'creative craftsman'. Moreover, resistance movement that tries to fight against dominant technology structure through constructing 'critical making' was also spotted. Nonetheless, it is rather untimely to definitely find dominant discourse's power effect in reality and sign of rupture in dominant structure as the result of resisting discourse's struggle. Thus, maker movement is the field of struggle where an ongoing clash can be found: between discourse strategy that tries to make maker culture a social or economic asset by combining with dominant power structure, and alternating or resisting practice of signification that focuses on its cultural techno-political potential.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.7
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• pp.84-94
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• 2018

This study analyzed domestic media articles from 1920 to 2017 using R 3.4, a big data analysis tool. In addition, it examines the sexual minority discourse reproduced through the media for about 100 years, focused on the role of the film as an art of struggling with the projective aversion to sexual minorities. sexual minorities in movies are not abominable. They are people we already know in our daily lives, and they are just different in sexual orientation. In general, sexual minorities are less likely to encounter in everyday life, so they are experienced and perceived through what the media present. It is noteworthy that the representation of sexual minorities in the media is formed as a major agenda of our society by publicizing the problems underlying society on the surface. It causes social issues to be raised by revealing and highlighting the problems that are regarded as alienated and avoided from the mainstream's gaze. The content provided by the media enables a three-dimensional experience of subjects who have not experienced it by themselves, and has a decisive influence in correctly recognizing and judging society. Media content suggests that it can be a powerful weapon of recognition struggle that can naturally fight against social hatred without using methods such as demonstrations or protests.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.108-147
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• 2009

This study explores the news frames on the U. S. beef imports and candlelight vigils covered by the two national dailies such as ChosunIlbo and the Hankyoreh Shinmun; the KwangwonIlbo, a local daily. The news frames extracted based on the models of Iyengar(1987), Semetko & Valkenburg(2000) and other researchers are attribution of responsibility, economic sequences, protest against the authorities, national health and governmental public relations and so on. The result shows that the news reports are consisted of the straight news(75.9%), feature stories(11.7%) and editorials(6.3%). More specifically, there is a comparatively hight ratio of editorials(11.0%) for the ChosunIlbo, feature stories(20.9%) for the Hankyoreh, and the straight news(89.7%) for the KwangwonIlbo. In terms of the news frames stressed by the three dailies, the ChosunIlbo focuses and stresses on the national health(17.8%) and the attribution of responsibilities(10.6%). However, the Hankyoreh have a tendency to stress on the protest against the authorities(31.3%) and attribution of responsibilities(38.4%); the KwangwonIlbo, focuses on the protest against the authorities(38.4%) and the economic sequences(17.9%). Finally, in the case of the main characteristics of the dailies, the governmental public relations frame is found only on the ChosunIlbo that has a comparatively high ratio; the Hankyoreh also has a high ratio of the feature stories on the U. S. beef imports. Even thought the KwangwonIlbo has a high ratio of the economic sequence frame, the ratio of opinion pages, such as editorial and columns, the local newspaper has not spoken up for the potential economic crisis of the local Kwangwon province beef industry, mainly caused by the U. S. import beef.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.255-288
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• 2016

Korean mass media has represented foreigners in their documentaries, entertainment shows, situational comedies, and dramas for long time, while the representations created plenty of controversies. Alleged West-oriented racism found from various televison programs may be one of them. Recently, however, more Korean television shows began to incorporate the ideas of multi-culturalism. This paper is an attempt to explore how television audiences interpret multi-culturalism reflected in the media. More specifically, this is a case study of JTBC's , a show featuring foreigners debating on various topics regarding Korean culture. Particularly, it focuses on disputes over the producers' decision to play 'Kimigayo' (the national anthem of Japan, which is also considered as a symbol of Japanese militaristic past) when introduced a new Japanese panel. Critical discourse analysis was adoped as the main research method, and researchers found that audiences draw certain guidelines in accepting multi-cultural aspects. If and when these aspects overstep the line, they tend to abandon it without hesitance. In the case of 'Kimigayo,' it was ethno-centrism and/or anti-Japanes sentiments which made multi-culturalsim much weaker. It does not mean that multi-culturalism was replaced-or defeated-by nationalism, but show the 'vulnerability' of multi-culturalsim. Multi-culturalism is not as concretely rooted in Korean society as many people have claimed or hoped. The research has its own limitations as a case study, but it is hoped to stimulate other researchers to keep their eyes on media and multi-culturalsim in Korea.