• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.33
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• pp.229-260
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to categorize the past Chiefs of Presidenteal Security Service so far based on their level of expertise and authority so that we can identify some specific reasons as to why some of them are recognized as successful while others are not, and that the categorization will be a guideline to future successful administration. In order to do so, a quantitative research has been implemented through meetings of a group security science expert who has been in security business for substantial amount of time. The result is as following: Authoritative/professional: 2nd Chief of P.S.S. Park, Jong-Gyu, 5th Chief of P.S.S. Jang, Se-Dong, 7th Chief of P.S.S. Lee, Hyeon-Wu, 8th Chief of P.S.S. Choi, Seok-Rip. Authoritative/Non-professional: 1st Chief of P.S.S. Hong, Jong-cheol, 3rd Chief of P.S.S. Cha, Ji-cheol, 6th Chief of P.S.S. Ahn, Hyeon-Tae, 14th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, In-Jong. Non-authoritative/professional: 4th Chief of P.S.S. Jeong, Dong-Ho, 9th Chief of P.S.S. Park, Sang-Beom, 13th Chief of P.S.S. Yom. Sang-Guk. Non-authoritative/Non-professional: 10th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, Gwang-Seok, 11th Chief of P.S.S. Ahn, Ju-Seop, 12th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, Se-Ok. This categorization research on the Chief of P.S.S. suggests that any president, to be a successful one, must choose the Chief of P.S.S. based on his/her expertise in order to secure national security.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.47
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• pp.37-59
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate about security service history during the 1st and 2nd Republic. The 3rd Republic, one of the important periods, deserves special emphasis until now. But Compared with 1st and 2nd Republic, the 3rd Republic is inferior. Although security service history excluded the 1st and 2nd Republic. This research focused on the two points about the chief of the presidential security and the law of presidential security special order. Firstly, the chiefs of the presidential security in 1st Republic were Kim, Jang-Heung Seo, Jung-Hak Kim, Kuk-Jin Kwak, Young-Joo. Secondly, The law of presidential security special order be specified in Korean presidential security for the first time. Before the 1st Republic already recognized the importance of security services when they adopted the first security service regulations on December 29, 1949, which comprised 25 articles. But this law was only focused on presidential security and promulgated the law more than 10 years ago than law of the office of the Presidential Security in 1963. Deplorable in this law was declared by statute on July 7, 1953 from the 1st Republic, but repealed in 1960 after the 2nd Republic. Thirdly, 2nd Republic established the presidential security organization with the new government has been formed. In spite of this organization can not be kept for a long time, 2nd Republic attempted to professional forms of presidential security organization. The research of secret service history must continue to advance for academical learning.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.5-33
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• 2010

이 글은 대통령제 국가인 한국에서 대통령의 자의적인 인사권을 방지하기 위해 의회가 보유한 동의권한의 절차적 표현인 인사청문회의 정치적 의미, 기능, 문제점, 그리고 개선책에 대해서 논의해 보았다. 이 글은 먼저 세계 최초의 대통령제 국가인 미국에서 대통령의 인사권에 대한 상원의 동의권한이 어떠한 경로로 도입되었는지를 파악하고, 이와 관련하여 이러한 의회의 동의권한이나 인사청문회 제도가 대통령을 견제하는 효과가 있는지를 이론적인 수준에서 검토하였다. 이어서 이 글은 정운찬 국무총리 후보자의 인사청문회를 사례로 연구를 진행하였다. 그 결과 전체적으로 윤리적인 영역의 발언이 많고 질의응답이 특정한 이슈에 편중되는 경향이 있다는 점이 발견되었으며, 이는 부분적으로 기존의 연구결과와도 일치한다. 또한 단편적인 여론조사 결과와 기존의 연구를 토대로 인사청문회는 정부에 대한 국민의 불신을 조장할 가능성이 더 클 수 있다는 추론을 제시하였다. 마지막으로 이 글은 최적의 인물이 인사청문과정을 통해서 선발될 수 있는 방향으로 개선방안이 추진되어야 한다는 점을 강조하였다.

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
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• s.265
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• pp.68-70
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• 2008

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.37
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• pp.221-246
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• 2013

The purpose of this research is to analyze authority and expertise of internally-selected Director of Presidential Security Service (PSS) through case-studies of the 9th Director of PSS Sang-Bum Park and the 13th Director of PSS Sang-Kuk Yeom, and to provide suggestions as to how to improve the expertise of PSS director and how to make PSS more trusted by the president and citizens. To do so, this study employs qualitative research on various references while acquiring testimonies from an expert group. The result of the research is as follows. First, the 9th Director of PSS Sang-Bum Park and the 13th Director of PSS Sang-Kuk Yeom are categorized as non-authoritative Director of Presidential Security Service. Second the 9th Director of PSS Sang-Bum Park and the 13th Director of PSS Sang-Kuk Yeom are categorized as expert-type Director of Presidential Security Service. It must be acknowledged that the authority of PSS directors does not come from close relationship with president or physical distance, but from legality and professionalism. Therefore, when appointing a person who is in charge of his/her own safety, the president must consider national security and professionalism in order to succeed as a ready president.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.69-106
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• 2021

This paper aims to explain why severe political conflicts and confrontation between the ruling and opposition forces have been continuously caused, focusing on the institutional combination of presidentialism and the two-party system with strong party disciplines, after democratization in South Korea. And this also presents the US as a case in which presidentialism and a two-party system with weak party disciplines were combined once, and the Chile as another case in which presidentialism and a multi-party system with strong party disciplines is combined, respectively, and further analyzes how the chance of consensual politics could be raised in both the countries. In addition, this study suggests a practical implication that, in South Korea also, the political reforms for changes in party system such as the decentralization or democratization in party organizations to enhance the autonomy of individual legislators, or the introduction of runoff system in presidential elections or proportional representation system in parliamentary elections to product a multi-party system, are required for a high chance of consensual politics.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.21
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• pp.283-322
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• 2009

Legislation and enforcement of the Presidential Records Management Law was an important turning point in Korean archival management history. In the past, the notion of presidential records was vague. The law was a starting point of establishing presidential records management. The Presidential Records Management Law provides the definition of presidential records and its scope, and establishes the protection of presidential records through restricted access to the records. The key to the law is to enable a president freely to produce records and transfer them to the next administration without omission. In other words, it aims to stop the practice that presidential records are produced but never be left. But, 'disputes over the release of presidential records' and the disclosing of access-restricted presidential records presented a crisis to national records management as well as the prospect of presidential records management, even if they were 'legal procedures.' The instability of presidential records management could give a serious impact on the national records management and its operation. Amid this situation, it is required to review the presidential records management system and provide recommendations for improvement, even if the enforcement of law has just started. The most urgent things in improving presidential records management are to secure its independence, specialty, and to complement restricted access to presidential records. For securing independency, presidential records management should be done by a separate organization other than the National Archives of Korea while for promoting specialty, a newly established organization could serve as a professional archive. And for complementing restricted access to the presidential records, the access should be more limited. In other words, more discretion is needed in permitting access. And more specific regulations should be applied to the permitted records. However, these regulatory actions may not have effects unless independency is not secured. Thus, more fundamentally, independency of the National Archives of Korea should be first established.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2013.05a
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• pp.67-68
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• 2013

초대 이승만 대통령으로부터 제18대 박근혜 대통령 취임사를 네트워크 기반으로 분석하였다. 연합뉴스에서 제공하는 데이터베이스는 역대 대통령 취임사 단어구름으로 보여줌으로써 키워드를 파악할 수 있도록 하였다. 이 경우 특정 단어의 등장 횟수에 비례하여 중심 단어를 찾아주기 때문에 취임사 전체에 흐르는 문맥이나 대통령의 의중을 반영하지 못한다. 이러한 문제를 해결하기 위하여 본 연구에서 18개 대통령 취임사에 등장하는 키워드 네트워크를 구축하였다. 네트워크상에서 허브(hub)에 해당하는 단어를 연결하면 대통령의 의도나 통치 방향을 파악할 수 있다. 대한민국의 18개 대통령 취임사는 네트워크의 동적 변화를 분석할 수 있는 좋은 자료다. 초대 취임사 네트워크에 두 번째 취임사 네트워크를 추가하여 점진적으로 확장되는 네트워크를 구축하여 동적변화를 분석하였다. 네트워크 동적 분석 결과는 시대의 흐름에 따른 대통령 통치 방향과 변화가 담겨져 있기에 대한민국 현대사 흐름을 파악하는데 기여하는 것으로 나타났다. 이제 복잡계를 이해하는 방법의 하나인 네트워크에 관한 연구는 사회현상, 자연현상, 생명현상을 넘어서 대통령 취임사에 이르기까지 다양한 영역에 함축된 복잡한 현상을 이해하려는 시도에 방법론적 실마리를 제공하고 있다.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.28 no.5 s.312
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• pp.29-31
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• 1995

52년 해방후 첫 독일정부 장학생으로 유학했던 나는 86년 대통령 유럽4개국 순방때 과학기술처 장관으로 대통령을 수행. 독일서 한국과학기술 협력협정에 서명하는 영광을 안았다. 내가 장관으로 재임중에는 2천년대 과학기술선진국10위권 진입을 위한 장기발전게획을 수립했고 기업의 연구개발 활성화에 총력을 기울였다.