• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.10
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• pp.30-39
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• 2018

This study was conducted with the aim of presenting a strategic implication for effective political campaign in the election situation which is held almost every year including the early presidential election. For this purpose, the $2{\times}2{\times}2$ triad experiment design of framing, involvement, political efficacy. The result shows that the main effect of framing and political efficacy was found, but the main effect of involvement was not shown. And also a result of two-way ANOVA, the interaction between framing and involvement was significant, but the interaction effect between framing and political efficacy was not significant. In addition, the three-way interaction effects of framing, involvement, and political efficacy were also significant. This study suggests that prospect theory is not often used to test the effects of political campaign messages and suggests new perspectives on political campaign strategies by introducing the prospect theory into election campaign message research.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.587-598
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• 2016

In predicting an outcome of election using a variety of methods ahead of the election, non-response is one of the major issues. Therefore, to address the non-response issue, a variety of methods of non-response imputation may be employed, but the result of forecasting tend to vary according to methods. In this study, in order to improve electoral forecasts, we studied a model based method of non-response imputation attempting to apply the Monte Carlo Expectation Maximization (MCEM) algorithm, introduced by Wei and Tanner (1990). The MCEM algorithm using maximum likelihood estimates (MLEs) is applied to solve the boundary solution problem under the non-ignorable non-response mechanism. We performed the simulation studies to compare estimation performance among MCEM, maximum likelihood estimation, and Bayesian estimation method. The results of simulation studies showed that MCEM method can be a reasonable candidate for non-response model estimation. We also applied MCEM method to the Korean presidential election exit poll data of 2012 and investigated prediction performance using modified within precinct error (MWPE) criterion (Bautista et al., 2007).

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2012.11a
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• pp.1770-1772
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• 2012

현재 인터넷 공간은 사람들의 관심사나 사회적인 이슈들을 반영하고 있다. 사회적으로 어떤 사건이 발생하면 그 사건에 관한 뉴스 기사나 관련된 다양한 콘텐츠들이 생성되어 여러 사람들에게 소비되고 공유된다. 뿐만 아니라 이와는 반대로 인터넷 공간에서 사람들에게 많은 관심을 받거나 이슈가 된 사건이 사회적인 관심거리가 되기도 한다. 최근에는 인터넷 공간에서 발생하는 정보 검색이나 콘텐츠 생성 패턴을 분석하여 실제 사회에서의 이슈나 트렌드를 예측하려는 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있다. 이 논문에서는 인터넷을 기반으로 분석한 자료와 전문 기관에서 분석한 자료의 상관관계를 분석하고자 한다. 그 중 최근 뉴스나 콘텐츠가 많이 생산되는 2012년 대통령 선거 후보에 관한 인터넷 뉴스 기사량과 전문조사 기관에서 발표한 각 후보의 지지율을 보이고 두 자료 간의 상관관계를 분석한다. 그리고 실험 결과로 대선 후보들의 기사 점유율과 발표된 지지율에 높은 상관관계가 있음을 보인다.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.45-78
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• 2012

The significance of Presidential Impeachment in 2004 is subject to interpretations in many different contexts, but its nature as its justice was the constitutional trial by the nation's impeachment system. This study set out to compare and analyze the understanding of the event centered around its nature as "an impeachment event as a public activity" and the records related to it. For that purpose, the study attempted to analyze the impeachment event to understand it as a public activity and examined and analyzed the records of the impeachment event in the public domain through personal visit, phone interview, and request of information disclosure based on the analysis results. An impeachment event as a public activity can be understood as an activity carried out by the National Assembly, which is to issue a motion for impeachment under the norms of the nation's impeachment system, and Constitutional Court, which is responsible for impeachment trial, through their unique rights prescribed in the Constitution. The important subjects of such a public activity included the accused president, the acting presidential system created by the motion for impeachment, and the National Election Commission that provided a decisive ground for impeachment. It was confirmed that the records, which are legal requirements, were well created and have been preserved and managed in the public domain. However, it was difficult to conclude that the records of the impeachment event were thoroughly created in terms of content in relation to affairs as they mainly covered the superficial treatment processes and the results of explicit activities. There was, in particular, the absence of records showing the context of activity.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.11
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• pp.47-54
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to explore a difference in crisis between media and parties. This research examined political crisis situation, crisis response, and media coverage using a case. Two main political parties in Korean faced the illegal fund raising case during the 16th presidential election. They used types of crisis response strategies for restoring or maintaining their reputation. This study found that a party's crisis response was consistent with news media, but another party's message was significantly different from news media. Such match or mismatch between a party and news media will influence on public evaluation toward a crisis response. This study has meaningful contribution in that the difference between an organizational crisis response message and news media coverage is significant.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.27 no.6
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• pp.1003-1016
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• 2014

Proper missing data imputation is an important procedure to obtain superior results for data analysis based on survey data. This paper deals with both a model based imputation method and model estimation method. We utilized a Bayesian method to solve a boundary solution problem in which we applied a maximum likelihood estimation method. We also deal with a missing mechanism model selection problem using forecasting results and a comparison between model accuracies. We utilized MWPE(modified within precinct error) (Bautista et al., 2007) to measure prediction correctness. We applied proposed ML and Bayesian methods to the Korean presidential election exit poll data of 2012. Based on the analysis, the results under the missing at random mechanism showed superior prediction results than under the missing not at random mechanism.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.13
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• pp.551-575
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• 2007

한국에서의 경찰제도는 국가경찰의 형태로 운영되어와 획일적이고 중앙집중식의 경찰활동에 대한 거부감이 전반적으로 있어왔다. 그러나 지역주민의 의사에 따른 자율규율에 의한 다원적 민주주의를 실현하고 국민의 기본권을 실질적으로 보장하기 위하여 지난 1995년 지방자치단체의 장과 지방의회 의원의 동시선거가 시행되어 온 이래 10여년이 흘렀다. 그러나 지방자치제도가 시행되기 이전부터 자치경찰제도에 대한 논의는 지속적으로 이루어져 왔다. 자치경찰제에 있어서 주요쟁점의 핵심사항은 자치경찰제를 도입하는 것의 득실관계라고 볼 것인데 이는 관점과 어느 측면에 중점을 둘 것인가에 따라 다르게 나타나게 된다. 지방자치의 존재 이유 중에는 주민 복지적 차원에서 주민의 안전보호가 중요한 부분을 차지하고 있다. 특히 자치경찰제는 수사권독립과 함께 지난 몇 대에 걸친 각 대통령의 선거공약이었기 때문에 노무현 정부 출범 이후 정부는 지방분권차원에서 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서 여러 가지 검토를 해 온 바 있다. 2004년 1월에 정부혁신지방분권위원회의 지방 분권과제 주요과제로 자치경찰제 방안을 검토하기 위해 위원, 관계 공무원 10명으로 자치경찰 T/F를 구성하여 운영한 이 후 자치경찰제 도입방안에 대하여 경찰정과 실시 단위 및 수행 사무 등 주요 쟁점에 대해 협의하면서 실천 가능한 방안을 마련하기 위해서 스페인, 프랑스, 이태리, 그리스 자치경찰기관을 현지 방문하여 외국 자치경찰 제도를 조사한 후 2004년 9월 중순에 자치경찰(안)을 발표하였다. 이 안은 크게 경찰을 사법경찰과 행정경찰로 구분하는 개념 하에 최초로 나온 자치경찰제에 대한 구체적 시행 안이라는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있을 것이나 지금까지의 기대수준에 과연 부응하는 안이 될 수 있을 것인가에 대한 의문이 제기되고 있다. 동 사안은 2005년 하반기에 시범적으로 시행하고 민선 4기 자치단체장이 출범하는 2006년 하반기에 본격적으로 시행될 것으로 발표하고 발표와 동시에 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서는 본 자치경찰제 기본방향과 법안제정의 원칙과 구체적인 내용에 대한 토론회를 개최하는 등 다양한 홍보를 하였으나 여러 가지 문제점으로 인하여 아직 시행되지 못하고 있다. 따라서 과연 이 안이 한국에서의 자치경찰제 시행에 효과적인 안인가 그렇지 않으면 대선공약을 지키기 위한 일종의 정치적 고려를 한 졸속적인 안이 아닌가에 대한 논란이 제기되고 있다. 지금까지 한국에서는 자치경찰에 대한 많은 토의가 있어 왔으나 이번에 제하고 있고 현재 지방자치단체에서 시행하고 있는 기존 법집행방식과 거의 차이가 없는 상태시된 안은 적어도 지금까지 논의되어왔던 제도와는 매우 생소한 자치경찰 제도를 근간으로 에서 ‘무늬만 자치경찰’ 이라는 비판이 일각에서 제기되고 있는 실정이다. 현재 자치단체에서 시행하고 있는 행정 경찰적 기능을 다소 보완하고 제복착용과 조직을 하나 더 만든 정도가 아닌가 하는 정도이다. 그러므로 본 연구에서는 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서 제시한 자치경찰제도(안)을 중심으로 자치경찰제도 운용의 목적 충족과 실질적인 효과의 측면에서 분석하고 바람직한 자치경찰제도의 운용에 대해 살펴본다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.7
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• pp.116-125
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• 2022

The purpose of this case study is to investigate an empirical analysis on how public opinion spreads, when is the effect to occur, and how much effective. Data from the 19th presidential election period, specifically supporting rates for a candidate, Moon Jae-in were used. Results indicated that a supporting rate of increase were not linear and the points where the rate of increase is enhancing was 27-8%. It was 1.4 times higher than the previous period. Results providing this research is not appropriate for generalizability due to a characteristic of a case study, but this study has a value in trying to statistically analyze the accurate figures for how much 'majority opinion' is.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.73
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• pp.7-34
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• 2015

This study attends to the effects of political entertainment as a newly emerging television genre on citizens' political talk. Particularly, this study suggests audience involvement and political information efficacy as key psychological factors that mediate the relationship between political entertainment and political discussion. More specifically, audience involvement was deemed as a conclusive concept that consists of such sub-dimensions as audience identification and parasocial interaction with program characters and transportation into the messages. Among 317 participants in an online survey, a total of 273 subjects, who had at least some viewing experience with political entertainment TV programs, were included in the final analysis. According to the findings, softer programs that piggyback political information on top of their entertainment content were more likely to increase viewers' identification and transportation. The viewer experience of identification further heightened the level of political information efficacy, which in turn positively contributed to one's willingness to participate in political talk and to hear the other side. It also appeared that political information efficacy significantly mediated the relationship between political entertainment viewing and political talk.