• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Crop Science Conference
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• 2004.04a
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• pp.28-30
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• 2004

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.58 no.6
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• pp.124-144
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• 2008

This study is taken as the part of the cultural research on the Kaspian coastal region, which has a great significance as the start of human civilization and in the history of cultural exchange. This study is focused on the Achaemenid dynasty of the great Persian Empire that Iranians have established on the Parsa region, south of Iran on 6-4th century B.C. This research limits to the tribute-relief illustrated on the stairs of Apadana Palace in Persepolis during the age of Achaemenid dynasty. The objective of this research is classify and analyze Persians and its neighboring tribes, their dresses and the detailed elements of the dresses to complete the typology of the dresses in that period and use this to categorize the features of nomadic and agricultural tribes of costal areas of the Mediterranean Sea to Northern India and study the cultural exchange and its effects. Furthermore, we aim to use the above typology to revise the typology of the Korean traditional dresses that were formerly just sorted as a type of coat-trousers that classified as a nomadian Scythian dress type. The results of above analysis are as follows: The clothing of many tribes living in the coastal areas of Mediterranean Sea to the Northern India in the Achaemenid dynasty of Persia on 6th century B.C. shows that the typology of the dressings have close relationship with the region they live in. Such typology is displayed differently from tribes east and west of Iran. The tribes west of Iran showed characteristics of an agricultural tribe and the tribes east of Iran displayed features of a nomadic tribe. In addition, uniformed styles of dressing were displayed amongst many tribes sharing a common lineage. Such inference came from the fact that similar styles of dressings were identified not only in tribes east of Iran but also in tribes west of Iran.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.243-266
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• 2004

This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.49-92
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• 2018

I have examined some beliefs in the Thunder God and their magico-ritual techniques in Korea from the perspective of Korean national religious history and have classified these types of beliefs. In several myths from ancient nations in Korea, the Thunder God was the Supreme being governing the Universe including the sky, earth, and water, and he justified political power transcendently. In the medieval period, the Thunder God who was called 'the Supreme God and Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' was the object of Daoist ritual for rain. In the early Joseon period, people believed that the prehistoric stone tools known as thunder axes were the tools of the Thunder God, and thereby were imbued with medicinal power. In the late Joseon period, beliefs in the Thunder God developed in various ways such as the overcoming of wars and healing of diseases. Modern Korean national religions including Daesoon Jinrihoe reappropriated the Thunder God called 'the Supreme God and Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from the perspective of the Great Opening (Kaebyŏk) and the resolution of grievances (Haewon).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.166-185
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• 2013

After analyzing the location, arrangement, inner structure, and form of the hunting pit in the Bronze Age, this paper sets up three types and talks about types of hunting pits. After analyzing the types of the hunting pit, three types of hunting pits are derived: mountain district - large group's arrangement - long oval - I II type(A), mountain district - arrangement in a line - oval - I type(B), flat area - arrangement in a line - oval - I III type(C). Literature, the ways in hunting pits, the purpose of the installations, and the characters are studied and compared with those of the anthropological cases. Even though hunting pits of types A and B are constructed to hide and get protein and bone of animals for breeding, there are differences in the ways in hunting and characters. Type of A seems to be constructed only for occupation that is the standardized hunting method on a small works. However, type B is the chasing method to hunt as a group and it has various purposes including main occupation. For example, it is for improving the war skills by practicing the hunting strategies and cooperating with the people. In addition, it is for getting a sacrifice for god. The type C hunting pit is estimated that it plays a role to protect themselves from invasion. It's inferred that there are many purposes for military defense and protection of people or animals within the village. It is the reason why the construction is spread in hunting pit including various purposes in the Bronze age that originates in social and economical specialization like the increase in agricultural productivity and appearance of a chief.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.81-89
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• 2011

The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.11-27
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• 2019

The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.57-79
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• 2001

[Go-Choseon], the first volume of Samgukyusa, is composed of two parts, the part of myth and that of history. There are very similar divinities between Hwanwoong in the myth of Dangun and YanDi-ShenNong of China: the solar divinity essential for survival of mankind and agriculture, the agriculture divinity said to have taught fanning, the medicine divinity said to have taught the characteristics of herbs and how to prevent diseases, the cultural hero who delivered civilization, and son on. During the transition from the age of myth to the age of history, the roles of gods had changed from the creation of the world to civilization and rule. The roles of Hwanwoong and YanDi-ShenNong were civilization and it was related with their divinities. Hence, regardless of a little difference, the myth of Hwanwoong and that of YanDi-ShenNong were created at the same stage of spiritual and material civilizations of Korea and China. This paper looks at the essence of [Wiseo] and the age of Hwanwoong through historical records. In my opinion, [Wiseo] is not a chinese history' book. The record, "According to [Wiseo] there had been Dangun-Wanggum 2,000 years ago" indicates the time [Wiseo] was written. 'Wi' means Wlman-choseon. Going back about 2,000 years from Wiman-choseon, the historical dates of the establishment of [Go-Choseon] almost dovetails to the age of King 'lao. So, there is a possibility that [Wiseo] is a history book of Wiman-Choseon dynasty which was written to prove the legitimacy of the dynasty by showing it succeeded to the Dangilll-Choseon dynasty. The sentences, "governed the country for 1,500 years" and "conferred Gija the position of king of Choseon" are very important records showing the age of the establishment of Dangun-Choseon. Gija came to Choseon in B.C 1122 when Yin replaced Zhou in the Choinese Continent. From the fact that Dangun had governed Choseon, we could reason out that Go-Choseon was established in B.C. 2622 that is much eariler than the era of king Yao, and that corresponds 'With the era of HuangDi(B.C 2698-2358). Hence, the era of Hwanwoong, the father-god of Dangun, might be later than B.G 3000 which conforms to the era of YanDi-ShenNong(B.C 3218-2600). Therefore, this paper contends lhat Hwanwoong and YanDi-ShenNong played the role of civilization in the same era [Go-Choseon], the first volume of Samgukusa is philologically very valuable material for research on the origin of Korean nation and its ancient history.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.17 no.6
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• pp.347-359
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• 2016

People are destined to live according to the time and fate after they are born. Man is connected with the idea that is called the Chinese zodiac sign related to one out of 12 animals, regardless of one's thought. This paper was written with the expectation that it will be a new turning point understanding the mutual influence and its changing process by catching the ethnic belief and emotion as well as its cultural background in the Asian Zone by investigating the meaning of the 12 Chinese zodiac shown in the folk painting from the viewpoint of folk lore including "Chinese zodiac sign" culture rooted in our daily lives. The animal 'Rat' has been lived well human beings accompanied by the fable or the nature, while the animal 'Ox' has been living together with human history. The 'Tiger' has been considered the 'Power retreating disease or a devil' to humans, which is the most frightening but near at hand. The 'Rabbit' in the fable is inculcating hope and ideals to humans. The imaginary 'Dragon' is rooted in the deep national belief, which is seated as 'Guardian god' of farming culture and mankind, while the 'Snake' is playing a role in protecting humans as the 'Sea God' in Tsushima and Jeju Island, and has been believed and followed in the deep mind of humans. The 'Horse' in the nomad culture has been adorned as the basic creature of nomadic society in the character of a psychic medium between the human and god or their 'Guardian god'. The ancient Japanese regarded 'Monkey' as holy, being connected with treasure. It infers a human's desire to borrow wisdom from 'Monkey'. 'Chicken' includes the meaning of a lucky sign connecting the sky and the human world by arranging together with humans. The 'Dog' is believed and followed as performing the function of a messenger connecting this world with the afterlife in the next world tale of shamanism. The 'Pig' also lives well with humans, being interpreted as fecundity. Although the meaning of the 12 Chinese Zodiac animals has ethnic differences, all of them have been shared with humans, rooted in the human mind, being believed, and followed in human lives.

• Microbiology and Biotechnology Letters
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.552-558
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• 2021

Traditional foods are manufactured according to the characteristics of each region for the nations of the world. Korea has mainly farmed, and seasonings have developed around rice and vegetables. In fermented foods, lactic acid bacteria such as Lactobacillus sp. and Pediococcus sp. and Bacillus sp. were isolated and identified from fermented foods. In this study, lactic acid bacteria were isolated and identified from commercially available traditional Korean fermented foods, and candidate strains were selected through antibacterial activity tests on human and fish disease bacteria. Thereafter, the final strain was selected by examining the resistance to simulated gastric and intestinal fluids, and hemolysis. The three (M1, K1, C13) final selected latic acid bacteria were miced with prebiotics and the antibacterial activity of synbiotics was evaluated. As for the fist antibacterial activity result, C13 showed high antibacterial acitivity in human diseases and fish diseases. Then, M1, K1 and C13, which did not produce β-haemolysis and were resistant to simulated gastric and intestinal fluids, were subjected to the second antibacterial activity of synbiotics. When the three prebiotics (FOS, GOS, Inulin) and probiotics (M1, K1, C13) were mixed, the antibacterial activity was increased or inhibited. Based on the 16S rRNA gene sequencing results, K1 and M1 were analyzed as Bacillus tequiensis 99.72%, Bacillus subtilis 99.65%, Bacillus inaquosorum 99.72%, Bacillus cabrialesii 99.72%, Bacillus stercoris 99.58%, Bacillus spizizenii 99.58%, Bacillus halotolerans 99.58%, and Bacillus mojavensis 99.51%. And C13 was analyzed as Bacillus velezensis 99.71%, Bacillus nematocida 99.36%, Bacillus amyloliquefaciens 99.44%, Bacillus atrophaeus 99.22%, and Bacillus nakamurai 99.44%.