• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.137-179
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• 2018

To reduce labor market discrimination, there are lively discussions about the role of extant labor regime based on labor unions. It includes both the critical perspective on extant labor movement and the necessity of new actors for resolving discriminations within labor market. Among new actors, the present study focuses on contingent labor centers. Specifically, we have investigated on the development and identity of contingent labor centers as coalition of local government-labor organization. The core content of this study is to reconstruct the activities and strategies of contingent labor centers throughout the longitudinal approach. From many evidences, we can confirm that contingent labor centers have evolved via three phases such as differentiation, de- politicizing, and networks. This finding also provides insights about inside relationships between contingent labor centers and outside tensions between contingent labor center and extant labor organizations. We finally discuss on the theoretical implications of contingent labor center as new actor for contingent worker movement.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

This paper studies and evaluates the present situation of three decades of 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea with a long-term perspectives. It had grown up during 1987 labour regime era and has declined abruptly since 1998. The backdrop of this decline was the transformation of labour regime from the 1987 regime to the dependent neoliberal one. The Korean labour movement did not respond to the changed structural conditions as it sustained its old strategies, militant unionism. Now the 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea has met three difficult problems that are connected with each others. They are militant economism, political economism and formal industrial unionism. However the 'Candlelight Revolution' occurred in 2016 winter has opened a chance of regime change that could strengthen the 'Minjoonojoundong'. The revolution was primarily a political one. But it also created a dramatic situation change in labour politics. The candle-citizen demanded radical change of the polarized Korean society and overflown contingent workers. So it is a time of radical and overall innovation for the 'Minjoonojoundong' and KCTU. And they have to keep the long-term strategical vision of labour regime change.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.130-143
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• 2017

This study examines the theoretical framework of "B" local union, which conducts "class-oriented" labor movements in contemporary Japan. "Class-oriented" labor movements are active, while they have been residual on the margins of Japanese society and the country's labor movement situation. This research examines a theoretical framework for "class-oriented" labor movements and investigates Williams' "structure of feeling." First, the "structure of feeling" concept is examined. Second, the study compares several theories on the working class of Marxism and alternative subjects of "linguistic turn." Third, this study redefines the "structure of feeling" in terms of the case of "B" local union. The results show that "collective workers-individualize workers" and "workers-non-workers" of "B" local union establish their own labor movements on the material or immaterial space and consider their "structure of feeling" as the "negotiation and contradiction on the class-orientation." Consequently, this study offers a model of their "structure of feeling."

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.95-131
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• 2008

조직적 침체를 겪고 있는 특수고용노조들과 관련하여 초기조직화 후 노조활동경험에 대해서는 연구가 이루어지지 않은 상황에서 이 글은 특수고용노조운동으로서 가장 두드러진 활동을 전개해온 화물연대의 노조활동경험을 사례분석하여 특수고용노조 나아가 비정규노조의 활동에 있어서 고려해야 할 '노조운동의 동학'은 무엇인가를 탐색하였다. 연구자료로서 노조의 문서자료와 관련 연구결과자료 등을 이용하였다. 먼저 화물연대의 동학의 배경을 이루는 화물연대 5년의 전개과정을 환경, 전략, 요구, 조직, 투쟁, 교섭의 측면에서 그리고 성과와 한계를 개괄적으로 살펴보았다. 이를 바탕으로 화물연대의 전개과정에서 볼 수 있는 특수고용노조운동의 특수한 동학을 특수고용노조운동에 함의를 갖고 있다고 보이는 것에 초점을 맞추어 재정리하는 방식으로 추출하였다. 특수고용노조운동의 동학으로서 노동자성 불인정의 악영향, 노동자집단의식 형성의 어려움, 조직확대의 어려움, 조직의 동맥경화 가능성, 간부의 취약성, 대상, 공간 및 수준의 복잡성으로 인한 어려움, 높은 내외이질성으로 인한 어려움을 볼 수 있었다. 이러한 동학을 고려하여 초기조직화 이후 특수고용노조들이 집중해야 할 활동방향을 제시하였다. 마지막으로 연구의 한계와 향후 연구방향을 제시하였다.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.11
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• pp.171-182
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• 1988

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.209-242
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• 2011

본 연구는 현대하이스코 순천공장과 포스코 광양제철소에서의 비정규직 조직화 비교를 통해 사내하청 노동조합의 조직화에 영향을 미치는 작업장 요인과 지역사회 요인들을 살펴보고자 하였다. 기존의 비정규직 노동자 조직화를 비롯한 노동운동, 노동조합 관련 연구들은 대부분 '생산의 정치'의 영역에서 비롯된 '작업장' 요인들에 초점을 맞추고 있다. 그러나 비정규직 노동자 조직화에 대한 보다 분석을 보다 발전시키기 위해서는 작업장뿐만 아니라 '스케일의 정치'가 작동하는 공간인 '지역사회' 또한 분석의 단위로 통합되어야 한다. 따라서 본 연구는 작업장에서의 정규직 및 비정규직 노동자들에 대한 관리통제와 실천뿐만 아니라, 지역사회의 다양한 요인들이 비정규직 노동자들의 조직화 시도에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지를 검토하고자 한다. 두 사례에서 사내하청 노동자들은 철강산업이라는 산업부문과 사내하청 고용형태에 속한다는 공통점 외에도 낮은 수준의 임금과 노동조건하에서 강한 불만을 지니고 있었으며, 원청 및 사내하청 업체의 강한 통제하에 놓여 있었다는 공통점을 지닌다. 그럼에도 포스코의 경우와 달리 현대하이스코 비정규직 노동자들은 격렬한 대중투쟁과 지역사회의 지원 속에서 성공적인 조직화를 이룰 수 있었다. 사내하청 노동조합 결성 과정 또한 상이하였다. 현대하이스코의 경우 누적된 사내하청노동자들의 불만이 계약해지를 계기로 일순간 터져 나오면서 작업장 점거농성을 비롯한 대중투쟁과 결합하였다. 나아가 현대하이스코 비정규직지회는 지역사회운동과의 연대를 통해 작업장의 문제를 전체 비정규직 노동문제로 확대해 나갔다. 반면, 포스코의 경우 초기 조직화의 범위가 제한적이었고 대중투쟁 또한 강하게 나타나지 않았으며 지역사회의 관심과 지원 또한 약하게 나타났다. 이상과 같이 두 사례를 비교 검토함으로써 비정규직의 조직화에 있어 비정규직 자체 동원기제와 정규직의 지원은 여전히 중요하게 작용하지만, 이것이 확보되지 않을 경우 지역사회를 비롯한 외부의 지원이 일정하게 작용함을 살펴볼 수 있었다. 그러나 이 역시 지역사회구조 및 지역사회운동의 성격에 영향을 받는 것으로 나타났다.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.33-71
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• 1997