• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.435-462
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• 2012

The predominant concern of the study centers on: (1) the direct effects of the job satisfaction, social support and hope on the individual's quality of life; (2) the direct effect of hope alone on the individual's quality life; (3) the mediating effect of the hope between the job satisfaction/social support and life quality; (4) the moderating effect of the worker's legal status(legal labors Vs. illegal labors) on each causal relationship. Research is based on a survey conducted with 453 Mongolian immigrant workers(333 legal workers, 120 illegal workers) from 10 cities including Seoul. In order for respondents to address research questions, structural equation models are explored. A variety of tests are conducted(metric invariance test, critical ratio for difference test, multi-group analysis, bias-corrected boot-strapping, latent mean analysis including Cohen's effect test). The noticeable findings are as follow: First, both job satisfaction and social support have a positive influence respectively on the individual's hope and the individual's quality of life. Second, we found a partial mediating effect of hope between both job satisfaction/social support and the individual's life quality. Third, we failed to find a moderating effect of the workers' legal status on each causal relationship. Finally, there is no significant difference of the latent means of each latent variable -job satisfaction, social support, hope, and life quality - between the legal group and the illegal group, except the latent mean of workers' quality of life. A range of practical and political implications are discussed based on the study's findings.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.457-479
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• 2013

Through a Chinese rise, Chinese dream is actualizing as the world's great power. According to outlook of World Bank and IMF, Around 2030 China will be a great power bigger than America's economic power. The rise of China will give a huge impact to the whole world. China expands her influence through a global manufacturing base and a global market. To actualize 'Peaceful Rise' Strategy, China has many constraints. Chinese society is facing many difficult social problem due to side effects of a rapid development. Such as the spread of corruption, the severity of wealth gap, environmental degradation and energy shortage. Internationally there are containment from hegemon so-called 'China threat' dispute, Taiwan issue and territorial disputes. Western countries are hostile to China for two reasons. Based on expectations, one is China's socialist system and the other is the rising China which will compete for supremacy with Europe and America. Recent emergence of Chinese nationalism and the containment of the neighboring countries are also serious limiting factors. Domestically they have the rampant corruption in the bureaucracy, weakened capacity of Communist rule, wealth disparity due to the discriminatory economic development strategy, seriousness of rural problem, social instability, lack of social security systems and the development gap between the eastern coastal areas and western inland areas, ethnic minorities problems, the constraint of sustainable development issues due to lack of resources, environmental pollution and energy constraints. Like the former Soviet Union, China may face a dismantlement. After the rise, China may encounter possibilities of a war between great powers or a collapse of Chinese society caused by deepening internal conflict. Serious economic polarization would make peasants and urban workers, who are social vulnerable people, to turn their back to communist party and threaten the justification and the appropriateness of the ruling communist party. Chinese government will think internal system security threat is more formidable risk factor than a system security threat from the hegemon. The decline of great country comes from internal reasons rather than external reasons. To achieve peaceful rise, unification with Taiwan is an essential prerequisite. Taiwan issues are complex problems which equipped with international and domestic factors. Lack of energy resources, environmental pollution in China will bring economic crisis to Korean enterprises. Important influence to Korean economy will be a changeover of the method in economic development. It will turn the balance of investment and consumption, GDP-centered growth to consumption and environment-centered growth. Services industries including finance, environment, culture, education, health care and social welfare will grow. Change in China's growth model will give a great challenge upon the intermediate goods industry in Korea. Korea should reduce the portion of machinery, automotive, semiconductor, steel and chemical-centered export industry to China, and should increase the proportion of the service industry.

• Journal of the HCI Society of Korea
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.5-12
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• 2019

Social exclusion, which does not fulfill the desire for respect as one of the most basic human desires, makes those who perceive themselves to be socially excluded seek physical warmth. However, very few studies have examined whether this phenomenon-wherein social exclusion develops a preference for warmth-can be generalized to the emotional or symbolic aspects, such as the color of lighting. This study aimed to verify the effects of perceived social exclusion on warm lighting preferences, and two experiments were performed for this purpose. In Experiment-1, participants who were respected by people the previous day were assigned to the group that did not perceive social exclusion (non-perceived social exclusion group), and those who were not respected were assigned to the group that perceived social exclusion (perceived social exclusion group). Following this, their preference for warm lighting (3000K), neutral lighting (4000K), and cold lighting (6000K) was measured. The results showed that the perceived social exclusion group had a stronger preference for warm lighting and a weaker preference for cold lighting than did their counterparts. Moreover, the perceived social exclusion group showed a strong preference for warm lighting over neutral lighting; they also showed a weak preference for cold lighting. In Experiment-2, after assigning the participants into groups as in Experiment-1, the participants' preference for a space with warm lighting, neutral lighting, and cold lighting was measured. The results showed that the perceived social exclusion group had a stronger preference for the space with warm lighting and a weaker preference for cold lighting than did their counterparts. Further, the perceived social exclusion group showed a strong preference for the space with warm lighting over the space with neutral lighting; they also showed a weak preference for the space with cold lighting. The findings of this study have implications that can be applied to designing living spaces for people who experience social exclusion, such as handicapped individuals, multicultural families, or immigrant workers, as well as developing artificial intelligence services and cyber-friend characters for this demographic.