In the 1990s the intellectuals in China were transferred into global capitalism, and faced with the changes of society deepened by capitalism, and were forced to sign on it. The New-left proposed a question to the society of modern China being accelerated in the capitalism. The controversy with the Neo-liberal became the top issue of the 1990s' world of thought. According to the New-left, 'reform' should be attained not by capitalism of laissez-faire bringing up for wealth concentration, but by extending the democracy of political affairs and economy along with fairness guarantee of social distribution and avoiding widening the gap between rich and poor. Additionally, 'opening' should be reevaluated as a problem of considering difference and polyphyletic matter. Opening is not the meaning of accepting capitalism unconditionally and transferring into global capitalism. Based on these beliefs, the New-left criticize the socialism after reform and opening. In addition, the New-left discuss how enlightenment and modernity were understood and how they should be understood. The New-left reflect that the enlightenment in China was considered as the same as one in the western societies and emphasize the efforts of having been overcoming the contradiction of modernity through the Chinese history. As a result, the New-left seek out a new perspective and an alternative proposal beyond the dichotomy between capitalism and socialism, western countries and China, and tradition and modern.
Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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v.38
no.2
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pp.259-271
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2018
This study examined the effect of the SSI argumentation program based on social and emotional learning(SEL). The program consisted of 3 stages: (1) express their own feelings about SSI, identify the issues of SSI, and define a goal; (2) think of many possible solutions and envision results through argumentation; (3) select the best solution and make a decision based on warrants, data, and rebuttals. In each stage, the social-emotional strategies of self-awareness, self-management, social-awareness, relationship-management, and responsible decision making were used. Seventeen preservice biology teachers participated in this study during one semester dealing with four socioscientific issues. The results indicated that the preservice teachers, as time went on, became accustomed to expressing identifiable rebuttals, dispute talk, and asking questions. At the first SSI argumentation, argumentation mainly consisted of cumulative talk with no rebuttals, representing level 2 argumentation. Level 3 argumentation represented rebuttals that were implicit and weak, with cumulative talk. In level 2 and 3 argumentation, the preservice teachers represented understanding of others and compassion for self and others. Level 4 argumentation had rebuttals that were explicit, asking critical questions of the opposite sides. In addition, level 5 argumentation represented more than two controversial points with several instances of dispute talk. In levels 4 and 5, the preservice teachers became actively engaged in communication, inquiry self with others, managing vulnerability and negotiation.
One of central issues in the Literature and Science discourses during the Victorian era is the relation of physiology to psychology. Many thinkers tackle the question of whether or not psychic phenomena can be reducible to their physiological bases. For instance, Victorian physiologist William Benjamin Carpenter claims that there should be a boundary between physiological and psychological qualities. Yet, his contemporary writer Grant Allen contends for the reduction of psychology into physiology. In the essay, I discuss Grant Allen's work Physiological Aesthetics (1877) so as to eventually problematize his physiological reductionism. I especially highlight the paradox of his physiological aesthetics. In order to clarify my argument, I introduce two concepts: evolutionary aesthetics and physiological reductionism. On the one hand, Allen argues for the development of aesthetic appreciation. The gradual evolution from gaudy to serene colors, for instance, reflects the fine differentiation of sensory organs. He believes that the existence of varied aesthetic pleasures corresponds to the evolution of sensory nerve structures. Nonetheless, Allen ironically gives more weight to the commonality of aesthetic experiences than to this teleological ordering of aesthetic experiences. He argues that there is no fundamental difference among humans in terms of their aesthetic assessments. Furthermore, there is even no essential distinction among plants, animals, and humans in light of their aesthetic appraisals, he states firmly. Although he asserts the gradual advance of aesthetic feelings caused by the intricacy of nervous systems, he simultaneously trivializes the evolution of aesthetic appraisal. In the essay, I highlight this paradox in Allen's physiological aesthetics. It should be underscored, lamentably enough, that Allen seeks biological purity by erasing fine lines among physiology, psychology, and sociality. He estranges aesthetic experiences from subjective variations and their socio-cultural contexts. He makes great efforts to eliminate individual differences and socio-cultural specificities in order to extremely biologize aesthetic experiences. Hence, Allen's physiological aesthetics is marked as the politics of physiological purification.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.51
no.2
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pp.42-53
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2023
This paper explores the recent development of environmental aesthetics and critically examines the main agendas, claims, issues, and implications of everyday aesthetics, which is emerging as an important branch of environmental aesthetics. Environmental aesthetics began in the context of cultural change and environmentalism in the 1960s and expanded in the second half of the 20th century with a solid theoretical foundation. At the beginning of the 21st century, it entered a process of diversification of objects and subjects. Having reached academic maturity, environmental aesthetics has expanded into theoretical territory considering the urban environment and the human environment, providing practical coordinates as a discourse for planning and designing urban environments and landscapes. The most notable achievement of environmental aesthetics since the mid-2000s is the establishment of 'everyday aesthetics'. Yuriko Saito, who is leading the research on everyday aesthetics, expanded the objects and scope of aesthetic theory to everyday objects, events, activities, and environments. She excavates the microscopic and sensory aspects of everyday life, which have been overlooked by conventional art-centered aesthetics, through the lens of aesthetics. She reinterprets various layers of phenomena in contemporary urban landscapes and analyzes how the 'power of the aesthetic' hidden in everyday life profoundly affects the quality of life and the state of the world. Saito examines the appreciation of the distinctive characteristics and ambiance inherent in everyday objects and environments and proposes a 'moral-aesthetic judgment' to alert citizens to the environmental, social, and political consequences of everyday aesthetic appreciation and response. This paper identifies the issues and implications of everyday aesthetics as first, the expansion of aesthetics and the ambiguous everyday, second, the moral-aesthetic judgment and the aesthetics of care, and third, urban regeneration landscapes and aesthetic literacy. In particular, the moral virtues of everyday aesthetics that Saito proposes, such as care, thoughtfulness, sensitivity, and respect, provide a critical reference for the practice of contemporary urban regeneration landscapes. The 'aesthetic literacy' is a key concept demonstrating why an environmental aesthetics perspective is necessary to interpret everyday urban environments and landscapes.
There has been a growing demand for spiritual education in public education in recent years. In fact, the concept of spirituality was included in the national religious curriculum in 2022. However, compulsory spiritual education based on the national curriculum is different from individual or private organization-based spiritual education which can be characterized as voluntary. This article aims to discuss the potential problems that may arise when making spiritual education compulsory in public education. This discussion includes the expansion of spiritual discourse and the scope of spirituality, the contents and examples of spiritual education, and the implications of compulsory spiritual education. My perspective on this topic is that the religious curriculum, being a national curriculum, should be applicable to all schools and learners. The channels for expanding spiritual discourse include studies for measuring each individual's spirituality or religiosity and spiritual tourism. Both exclusive and inclusive spirituality coexist within spiritual discourse. Furthermore, spiritual educators criticize knowledge-based education for its tendency towards romanticization, while overlooking reflective education in national religious curriculum. Additionally, the normative nature inherent in the concept of spirituality is often overlooked, despite the potential recurrence of problems seen in faith-based education. This article suggested that the minimum principle for the nation's religious curriculum should be that "religious or normative knowledge is not to be injected or delivered but rather reflected upon." This principle aims to provide an opportunity for learners to reflect on their religious experiences or lives subjectively. When this principle is applied, spirituality becomes the object of reflection and selection for learners. Above all, learners with reflective thinking skills will be able to live independently, even if their experiences and lives change. We hope that this article will serve as an opportunity to continually reflect on the form of religious education found in public education.
In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.
The purpose of this study is to clarify the mechanism and essence of problems by understanding the whole structure of the complicated problems that exist in the social welfare field with DEMATEL method, one of structural models. This paper consists of (1) What kind of social welfare problems exist in the community that is related to welfare? (2) What kind of thoughts do people who work in social welfare field have related to these problems? (3) Are there any differences in structure of thoughts among social welfare civil servants who take charge of planning and dividing budgets for community welfare, social workers who provide services personally and civic activists who criticize and keep watch on behalf of civilians? In order to achieve the purpose of this study, data were collected in Busan Busanjingu and the survey was conducted from the year of 2005 when community welfare plan was first established up to now. The major structural problems of the community welfare of the Pusan Jin-gu, Korea, are: 1) welfare budget allocation procedure is not logical, 2) the outskirts of the Pusan Jin-gu are isolated as poor areas, 3) geographic imbalance is severe among communities, and 4) the social welfare response system to support future population structure needs to be more developed. All of these problems are the fundamental origin to the social resource disparity within communities. The major problems of the community social welfare in Pusan Jin-gu, Korea were recognized by different perspective in terms of professional career such as social welfare civil servants, social workers, and civic activists. Majority of the social welfare civil servants thought "severe geographic imbalance"; majority of the social workers believed "lack of the social welfare response system to support the structure of the population in the future" and "disparity in social resources within the communities"; and majority of the civic activists said "limitation for understanding various social welfare needs because of short term need assessments" as main issues of the community social welfare. It seems that this paper is able to be used as a framework to establish community welfare plans and individual programs in Busan Busanjingu.
Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.
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