• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.25
• /
• pp.137-166
• /
• 2009

Prior studies on Nam-myoung characteristics used to focus on practical confucianism of "Kyeong Eui (Respect and righteousness)" ideology. However, in the strict sense, what are the elements that can define Nam-myoung as a historical figure and as he has been in his time and after his death? Is it his philosophy established and derived from respect and righteousness? For this, I have a quite different view. All of literatures about Nam-myoung from his and his posterity time consistently most highly valued the idea of "Entering the government service and live in seclusion" advocated by Nam-myoung who consistently refused to be assigned any post from the government. This study aims to look into his idea by examining his personality and to find out the basis of his idea implied through the examination. He discussed the practices of "Entering the government service and live in seclusion" of other historical and present figures of his time through critical examination on them. For setting the reference for determining the reasonability for their practice of such idea, Nam-myoung pointed out "foresight" for understanding "Gimi (shade)" of which "Gi" is the diverging point of good and evil. He understood if one puts aside self-interest and observes the law of nature, one would be a good and lucky man but if one includes self-interest in the law of nature one would be a wicked man. His view on anyone entering government service when the time is against the person to obtain the post or when the person is unable to fill the post satisfactorily, was that they are 'people with self-interest' and therefore their practice of entering the government service and living in seclusion is wrong.

• Sijohaknonchong
• /
• v.18 no.1
• /
• pp.99-124
• /
• 2002

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.37 no.3
• /
• pp.49-61
• /
• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.39
• /
• pp.29-52
• /
• 2013

Philosophy of respect righteousness advocated by Nammyung points to what first needs to be done to drive social changes. It is consistent with the Confucianism, which views the world from within oneself. After all, developing a proper view of the society starts from looking at oneself in the right perspective. The view that personal cultivation can develop into cultivation and eventually reform of the entire society is also present in Confucius' belief that one can only be at peace after disciplining oneself and observe good manners only after perseverance. Also, one can lead the world in peace only after disciplining one's body and mind. In other words, it suggests that individuals and the community where they belong to are not independent from one another. Rather, individuals gather to create a society and righteous individuals are the basis for righteous society. These principles of social system in Confucianism can be understood as a mutual or layered division and integration. The society is not conflicted with individuals or the nation but rather perceived as moral communities to co-exist. Hence, power of execution observed in the philosophy of respect and righteousness by Nammyung is identical to power of execution applied to the society. The power of execution shows up as 'the execution of righteousness' in Nammyung's philosophy of respect and righteousness. It is also demonstrated in the acts by Nammyung's disciples when the nation was at crisis. This is what differentiates Nammyung's new-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty from Toegye or Yulgok as he tried to deliver 'the execution of righteousness.' It does not mean that neo-Confucian scholars did not emphasize the importance of execution, but Nammyung, in particular, warned how deceitful ideological or inner-directed thinking can be since they fail to come up with concrete solutions to social issues. In summary, Nammyung's moral discipline and training based on respect and righteousness cannot be evaluated in a state of vacuum separate from social and historical aspects but under the context of enlightening virtue and social execution. This can draw the conclusion that Nammyung's execution of respect and righteousness is in the starting point of the realistic 'theory of social reform' for creating a better world.

• Philosophy of Education
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.473-496
• /
• 2010

The education will boil from daily life and as doing desirably, Nammyung emphasized. This fact all people importantly from education, to think. But recognizes this problem the center of life and study of oneself and the case which indicates writes. Nammyung led and recognized the importance of daily life from education. The life of the human being becomes more distant from daily life and when being absorbed in being external makes a valuable territory lose from life. When with the same interest of education becomes more distant from daily life of life, the education makes the meaning lose. When meaning the education is embodied from if human life, must have an educational interest in daily life. And works from the daily life which is repeated, meeting, association, dialogue and relationship, introspection etc. must become the interest territory of education, the education must devise is value from daily life the possibility of experiencing in order to be. Because the work which is ordinary, meeting from ordinary, with human relation and association dialogs, reflective etc. to compose a life. When the education excepts a daily life consequently, will not be able to give the value which is important in life. When saying conclusively, the education must escape from the fact that considers seriously a knowledge acquisition and a compensation. And the education must do to make a value the people experience rather from daily life. The resultant education will be able to accomplish the essential function of the education which loses, daily life will be valuable and there is a possibility which to make feel will do. With being like that, education could be reconciled with the people.

• Hwankyungkyoyuk
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.16-24
• /
• 2007

The purpose of this study is to understand how the unit objectives and contents associated with environment are reflected on the 6 kinds of chemistry- I textbooks in the 7th curriculum and to present how to deal with the environmental education in chemistry- I. The results of this study are as follows. First, units associated with environment account for an average of 43.7% on chemistry- I in 7th curriculum. Second, contents of units related to environmental education on chemistry- I in 7th curriculum are environmental pollution(17.8%), environmental preservation and environmental pollution prevention(15.9%), environmental hygiene(12.2%), and any other things, Environmental pollution takes up a considerable part of environmental education. Third, the results for analyzing the objectives of chemistry- I in 7th curriculum show that Information Knowledge Awareness(34.0%) and Skill (29.9%) take up most parts. Fourth, Orientation (I) as analysis standard for objective of the units related to environmental education accounts for 10.2% of the total. It is clear that environmental education is carried out from STS point of view. In conclusion, environmental education in Chemistry- I focuses on fostering students' ability to apply the fundamental notion of chemistry to real life associated with environments. Therefore, it is necessary that environmental education in Chemistry- I should include value, attitude and participation and that improve students' ability to approach the environmental problem comprehensively.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.43-78
• /
• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.84-94
• /
• 2015

This study is to examine how the admiration for Chutzu(朱子)'s achievement while he was preaching his policies after renouncing the world in Wuyi-Gugok(武夷九曲), Mt. Wuyi and Joseon-style transformation culture were unfolded and developed through Gugok management cases such as position, name, poetic diction, Jungsa(精舍) architecture and engraving of Muyi-Gugok set in Mt. Gugok, Snacheong. The results were as follows: Myungam(明庵) Jeong Sik(鄭拭, 1683~1746)'s Muyi-Gugok, which consists of Suhongkyo(垂虹橋, gok 1) - Oknyeobong(玉女峰) - Nhongwhaldam(弄月潭) - Nacwhadam(落花潭) - Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) - Gwangpyungryea(光風瀨) - Jaewhaldae(霽月臺) - Gorooam(鼓樓巖) - Wharyongpok(臥龍瀑, gok 9) is the representative case where Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok was exactly copied and fulfilled to the Joseon Dynasty. In a large frame, Gugok Wonlim culture, Myungam's Muyi-Gugok management has a will of succession of Dotong(道統) through admiration for Chutzu in a rigid way. Another name of Mt. Gugok is Mt. Muyi and Gugok's name is Muyi-Gugok and the residence existed between gok 4 and gok 5. In addition, the name of Jeongsa for Gugok management is also 'Muyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍)' and Gugok name and contents of Poetry are also similar and all of these are clear evidence that Myungam tries to copy Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok to Mt. Gugok. Also, Gugok set before Myungam were located in Mt. Gugok and among them, verified four Gugok names are corresponded to those of Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok and it tells that conforming behavior as one of admiration ways for Chutzu already arrived at Mt. Gugok before Myungam and this was an oppotunty to widen Mt. Gugok Muyi-Gugok's tradition and horizon. Also, considering that Myungam's gok 6, Gwangpyungryea and gok 7, Jewoldae are names from 'Gwangpungjewol(光風霽月)' Based on Chutzu's poem and they are closely related to Joseon's classical scholar spirit, they are associated with Joseon-style transformation of Chutzu's Muyi-Gugok. Meanwhile, gok 5 'Daeeunbyeong' was transformed to 'Nangaam(爛柯巖)' in gok 5 - "Deoksan-Gugok(德山九曲) of Jooko(竹塢) Ha Beom-Woon(河範運, 1792~1858) and those characters's engravings are handed down. In "Pome of Deoksan Gugok" transformed from Myungam's Muyi-Gugok, respect and admiration for Chutzu is weaken while Ha Beom-Woon admires Nammyeong(南冥) Cho shik(曺植, 1501~1572), a symbolic character of himself's school and from this, a movement to promote partisan unity is identified. After Myungam died, Muyi-Gugok in Mt. Gugok was transformed from a space to succeed Chutzu's Dotonga to one to commemorate the memory of ancient sages, but, it is a typicality case that widen the spectrum of Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim culture through Muyi-Gugok's imitation and transformation.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.73-107
• /
• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.159-191
• /
• 2008

This study aims to look into the three-dimensional characteristics of Euniljisa (a scholar who lived in a hidden place) demonstrated in the poems of Myeongam Jeong-Sik (1683-1746, the 9th year of King Sukjong to the 22nd year of King Yeongjo), who was a scholar in the region of Yeongnam in the 18th century. Myeongam Jeongsik had a very righteous aspect in terms of integrity. He was born about 40 years after the Ching Dynasty was established. However, as shown in his pen name of 'Myeongam', he still used the Ming Dynasty as a subject of adoration and reverence, and he lived as an integral man of scholarly virtue in seclusion while refusing to have a government post during his lifetime. In his poems, there may be various discussions, but this study focused on following two aspects. First, the study reviewed his attitude toward the world, that is a retiring attitude, in looking into his works. Second, the study did not merely keep the existing two-dimensional perspective in simply reviewing a hermitage poem in the analyzing of a poem. Instead, the study attempted a three-dimensional review in seeking to see whether three items involving the fidelity and integrity of a dignified and daring person (a person who does not care about worldly views), the ambivalent emotion of Jo Wul reflected in the poem, and the delicate description and the expression of emotions, are placed in a serial relationship.