• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.363-389
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• 2016

Any moral ideas get integrity upon their practices. Because in human society systems, morality have capability among human interactions, for it gives moral standards(good or bad/ right or wrong) to them. And when the society system is Korean, Koreans surely have developed unique styles of moral practice and moral education in their traditional ages. So reinterpretating and categorizing the moral tradition for taking advantage of it in contemporary context, make sense. In this study, Korean moral tradition is focused in its scope, as 'Confucian moral tradition in semi-modern era'. For convenience of study and the potentials of effective revision, Korean tradition have been resized. In Confucian moral tradition, semi-modern Korean moral ideas could be presented as ren(仁) and yi(義). Furthermore, ren and yi could be practiced with several moral virtues, like xiao(孝), di(弟), ci(慈), zhi(直) qin(勤) gian(儉). When compared with contemporary moral education idea systems, the traditional system can have affinity with the systems in moral ideas division('with-self morality', 'with-others morality', 'with-universe and transcendence morality'). And several fusion-style, integration-based education practices can be developed and applied at contemporary school moral education.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.77-113
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• 2017

In late Chosen(朝鮮), the concept of illustrious virtue(明德) became an important issue of debate. However, previous studies did not focus on how the concept emerged as an issue. This paper aimed to explore the problem, and for this purpose, paid attention to Horak(湖洛) debate. Oiam(巍巖) Yi Gan(李柬), in the course of discussion with Namdang(南塘), finally argued that mind(心) clearly distinguishes from temperament(氣質). The goals of the claim were to clearly divide mind and temperament, and to emphasize mind's control of temperament. Through this, he wanted to reject the possibility of being affected by temperament in aroused state(未發). And he presented the concept of illustrious virtue as a critical evidence supporting his argument. He argued that because mind is same with illustrious virtue, it has a special status that essentially distinguished from the temperament, even if both mind and temperament are all material force(氣). This argument led to new discussion trend in the debate. it was to form a definition of the mind, based on defining the relationship between spiritual perception(虛靈知覺), temperament and illustrious virtue. The trend was reflected in the debate on 'Whether illustrious virtue is the same for everyone or varies from person to person(明德分殊)'. Through the process of analysis in this paper, we could detect a tendency that definition of mind has become an independent subject.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.63-100
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• 2017

In this article, I researched Nam Dae-nyeon's(1887~1958) thought of Neo-confucian theories, interpretation of confucian canons, and evaluation of historical figures. First, from the side of Neo-confucian theories, he asserted that Qi(氣) had behaviors and Li(理) had not. About his teacher Jeon Wu's(田愚) theories, he thought that those were in tradition of Confucius(孔子) and Mencius(孟子), but not emphasized presidence of mind. And he criticized the theory of mind was Li(理). Second, from the side of interpretation of Confucian canons, Nam Dae-nyeon's study centered on Four Books(四書). This showed he was in tradition of Neo-confucianism. Through this studies he emphasized the importance of Confucian Ren(仁) and Filial piety(孝), self-consciousness as gentry(士). Third, from the side of evaluation of historical figures, Nam Dae-nyeon evaluated many Chinese and Korean scholars, for example, Qu Yuan(屈原), Lu Zhong-lian(魯仲連), Zhen De-xiu(眞德秀), Lu Long-qi((陸?其), Zhang Lu-xiang (張履祥) of China, and Jeong Mong-ju(鄭夢周), Zho Kwang-jo(趙光祖), Yi Hwang(李滉), Yi Yi(李珥), Jeon Wu(田愚) of Korea. And his criteria for evaluation of historical figures was fidelity and insight.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.189-220
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• 2013

In this paper, the discussion on Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in Mohism is examined through the comparison with Hundred Schools of Thought. The ideas of School of Naturalists including Zou Yan or those of the Five Elements were fundamentally for the purpose of observing the regularity of changing dynasty. However, this perspective had not been emphasized as a subject of Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought until the end of the Era of Warring States. Even though it is true that Hundred Schools of Thought applied the theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in common based on the understanding of the idea, but it failed to be connected to each ideological system. The fundamental reason for this can be found in the difference between the awareness of a reality and the concept of history in Hundred Schools of Thought. Where were the characteristics and reasonable opinions of the theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in Mohism from? The most important feature of Mohism is to form independent, collective, cooperative groups based on the people of lower classes at that time and to consider God an ideological presumption. Therefore, in reality, it concentrated only on sociopolitical stability and maintenance of their own labor activities, and it was difficult for them to focus on an objective regularity of a national system or change of dynasty. In addition, due to the characteristics of individual groups, it was hard to have a macroscopic viewpoint not only on a national system, but also on others as in Zou Yan's Dae-gu-ju-seol(大九州說). With respect to this, at least, Xunzi, before the unification, gives a valid criticism. In the end, the effort to design a new political system and to secure ideological legitimacy on the assumption of the unification of the nations of the Warring States period became more specific through the edition of $L{\ddot{u}}shi$ Chunqiu (呂氏春秋), so-called Mixed School(雜家) or Synthesized School(綜合家).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.531-561
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• 2017

This article's aim is to contrast Dasan's commentary with Chu-tzu' and old commentary on The Meaning of learning(學) and ming(命) in Confucius Analects analects. Confucius Analects analects began with Confucius said, " Is it not pleasant to learn with a constant perseverance and application?"(1:1), and closed with Confucius said, "Without recognizing the ordinances of Heaven, it is impossible to be a superior man. We can consider Confucian analects as theory of science. I've tried to define the meaning of learning(學) in Confucius Analects, at first. The Meaning of learning in Confucian analects have 1) Technology, 2) the way of human relation, 3) liberal ar, and 4) 'learning to become a sage. Chu-tzu defines learning(學) in Confucius Analects as 'learning to become a sage'. Dasan's considered learning(學) as science in general. Chu-tzu' and old commentary defined zhiming(知命) in Confucius Analects is 'to know the fact that there is destiny in man's life(ex, life and death). Dasan reinterpreted ming(命) in Confucius Analects as human mind-nature.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Floral Art and Design
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• no.42
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• pp.63-96
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• 2020

The flower arrangement that human beings interact with the natural plants have characteristics according to their historical background and ethnicity and different aspects of culture related of the flower arrangements have been created by human inspiration and formative ability. The Korean flower arrangement is a product of civilization which originated in the natural environment of the four seasons. As background with the natural unity ideology, the Korean Flower Arrangement makes the life and philosophy of the naturalistic nature that flows in the mind of our nation to the relaxing beauty suited on cultures of ages by the Virtue, the Will, and the Vitality. The Literary Flower Arrangement is, based on the higher human personality and poetic sentiments as ideologies of our traditional oriental philosophy, the formative art made for aesthetic implications of philosophy by consisting plants' characters and tastes without expression of technical skills. In this study, focused on pine tree, in order to clarify that the flower arrangement of our spiritual culture is the Literary Flower Arrangement, make Identifying aesthetic characteristics through, the backgrounds and sources of being expressed by the Literary Flower Arrangement, poetic feelings, symbolism, metaphor, the formative form of flower arrangement, decoding of the flower arrangement genes, and the same time deduce the record of literary work and classify it each era, and establish the Literary Flower Arrangement theory which is the essence of Korean flower arrangement.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.63-84
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• 2009

I analyzed about the Ruyi(儒醫)'s mind on this article. Ruyi led and Nei-Jing (內經)'s Xin(心)-Shen(神)-Qingzhi(情志) it developed a medical theory. Qingzhi comes true confucianism aims became the good tool. Junhuo(君火)-Xianghuo(相火) for them to apply medically. Junhuo-Xianghuo is a possibility of seeking a ground from Nei-Jing. Junhuo governs all body and Xianghuo takes charge of the role which raises the body. It is to divide huo(火)with relationship of the king and the liege man. After Yuan-dynasty(元代) Ruyi medical sciences grasped Junhuo-Xianghuo with confucianism structures. The representative scholar is Zhu zhen-heng(朱震亨). I analyzed Zhu's Junhuo-Xianghuo. Xin-huo rules over the body. For expression of active Chi, it set the dual structure-'Junhuo-Xianghuo'. And it divided Junhuo from desire and sentiment. And Zhu zhen-heng attempted Taoism and medical science and Confucianism from the process under integrating. And analyzed Junhuo-Xianghuo Confucianism meaning. With Junhuo-Xianghuo and Confucianism described a relationship in the Zhu zhen-heng's theory. Finally view of Ruyi, medical science is the method of confucianism aims comes true.

• Journal of Naturopathy
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.53-62
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• 2019

Purpose: To investigate the healing effect of 21 patients with chronic back pain, shoulder pain, and knee arthritis by a Qigong. Methods: The study performed by hand injection of a Soojung Qi-therapy. Results: Ten patients (47.6%) had low back pain, eight (38%) had frozen shoulders, and three (14.3%) had knee arthritis. Satisfaction after five times of the Qi-healing was 72% in those who returned to normal and 14% in those who improved. When the maximum pain level set at 5.0, the difference between before and after healing was 3.33 in arthritis subjects, 3.75 in fifty shoulder subjects, and 3.80 in low back pain. In general, the degree of pain decreased as the number of healings increased. In particular, even after the first healing, the pain reduction of the subjects was high in arthritis, frozen shoulders, and low back pain. That is, there was a possibility of controlling pain with only one Qi-healing. Conclusions: Soojung Qi-therapy is one of the natural healing treatments because it reduces fast pains and accessible to handling anytime and anywhere. Conclusions: With Qi-therapy, arthritis, frozen shoulder, and lumbago patients almost recovered to their original shape. Therefore, Qi-therapy regarded as one of the useful natural healing therapies.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.387-415
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• 2010

This article examines Zhu Xi(朱熹)'s theory of I-Qing(易經) present in Yi Xue Qi Meng. Zhu Xi aims to establish a novel Confucian theory of I-Qing, examining the study of I-Qing in Han Dynasity and the Taoist theory of I-Qing. To this end, he embraces Shao Yong(邵雍)'s theory of Xian Tian. Adapting the notion of Xian Tian(先天) as developed by Shao, he completes the Image-Number(象數) Theory of Hetu-Luoshu(河圖洛書). While discussing Hetu Luoshu, Zhu Xi argues that the Image and Number are not merely a form of prognostication, but a medium that reveals the principles of the nature and the sagely ways of mind. In addition, by studing I-Zhuan(易傳) in authoring Yi Xue Qi Meng, Zhu Xi maintains that the notions of Image and Number as he understands were to be approved by Confucius. This leads to the unification of Sho Yong's Tai-Ji(太極), Zou Dun Yi(周 敦頤)'s Tai-Ji, and Tai-Ji in Hetu. Through this work, Zhu Xi attempts to construct a systematic philosophy that straddles ontology and value theory, while identifying Li (理) with Xiang (象) and Shu (數). The Image-Number Theory of Hetu-Luoshu has replaced numerous theories of Image and Number at the time of Zhu Xi. Based on this theory, he restores the method of divination as presented in Xi CI Zhuan(繫辭傳). By successfully applying his theory of Image and Number to interpreting a number of recorded examples of divination during the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, Zhu Xi demonstrates that his theory is not only an abstract metaphysical theory, but also can function as an adaptable method of divination.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.7-35
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• 2010

Jang Hyungang(張顯光, 1554~1570) was one of the very famous Neo-Confucianists of T'oegye School in the Chosun dynasty. Jang, nevertheless, refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory called li-qi-gyeong-wi-seol(理氣經緯說). So the theory was very unique in the history of Korean Neo-Confucianism. He matained that Tao(道), meaning the universal process which all beings including the human must follow, is accomplished by the unity of li(理, principle) and qi(ch'i, 氣, material force). He compared li and qi to warp(經) and woof(緯). According to his explanation, Tao is fulfilled by combining li and qi, as a textile is woven the combination of warps and woofs. He could, for I know, succeed to emphasize the unity of li and qii through this theory. Lots of Scholars in the Chosun dynasty criticized Jang's theory of li and qi for regarding li and qi as one, and thought that the theory originated from Luo Ch'inshun(羅欽順, 1465~1547), a famous Neo-Confucianist of in Early Ming China. Luo Ch'inshun maintained li-qi metaphysical monism that li and qi is united entity. In this respect, it seems that Jang's theory is similar to Luo's. However, I think that there are very important differences between the two. It is true that the main characteristics of Jang's theory is the unified relations between li and qi in this world. In the system of his philosophy, nevertheless, the topological position of li and qi are different in grade each other. Jang insisted that li is a supreme being to be materialized and realized through the movement of qi'in the process of universal development. Qi is accordingly only a kind of matter which completes li. In this sense, Jang's theory can be regarded as li metaphysical monism that li is the only substance. It means that Jang Hyeongwang's theory is a great contrast to Luo Ch'inshun's li-qi metaphysical monism.