• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.66
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• pp.5-27
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• 2014

The past, present, and future of online journalism in Korea are inextricably bound up with the portal site news services. In traditional journalism, finite news media took hold on news consumption completely because of performing news production and distribution simultaneously. Since then, in the age of multi-media and multi-channel, the audience selection has become more important because of greatly increasing news media and then exploding news production. In online journalism, the news distribution have emerged as the most important field because of the intensive consuming the portal site news services making use of various news easier, the characteristic of news consumption focusing on not news media brands but news media contents, etc. Therefore, the news present landscape of Korean journalism oriented news distribution has been completed by that the portal site news services became the symbol of online journalism. That the portal site news services performing only news distribution have more influence than the paper based online newspapers and Internet based online newspapers producing news means the change of media power. By this, a conflict between news media and portal site news services appears at all times.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.54
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• pp.5-31
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• 2020

This study has started from the political process of local community power structure to elaborate the reason why both a majority of cultural artists and cultural artist organizations want to be against establishing the local Foundation for Arts and Culture. The cultural artists and cultural artist organizations believe that the establishment of the local Foundation for Arts and Culture might threaten not only their monopolistic status or their livelihood in the local market relying on public supports, but also make them being marginalized from the potential supports. Therefore many of them have somewhat unfavourable opinions about its establishment. Drawing from the Jellabuk-do case, their concern of being isolated from the monopoly by the local Foundation for Arts and Culture are reduced to publicized discourses such as powerization, the lack of expertise, the loss of independence, and the fall of business. When constructing the Foundation for Arts and Culture, the major values are 'Pluralism' and 'Fairness'. On one hand, the terms of Fairness means that it should be fair in operations, support and executive composition. On the other hand, Pluralism means that policy-making rights should be distributed to various groups, not owned by some specific groups. Some plans for building Foundation for Arts and Culture are needed to make diverse classes and groups to expect the pluralistic interests emerged eventually.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.55-84
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• 2011

This study initiated with the intention to reveal the social consultations and fissures through a comparative analysis on generational characteristics by indicating occupation-related identities with the concept of social identity supported by theoretical resources. According to the three dimensions of social identity which are evaluation, potency and activity, there was more generational agreement rather than difference toward occupation-related identities. Among the 44 identities, only evaluation dimensions on minister, congressman, plane captain, farmer and potency dimensions on CEO of a major companies, professor, medical doctor, nurse, celebrity, shaman, unemployed person were statistically significant. For 'Leader and Professional', the respondents in their 50's gave high scores in both evaluation and potency dimensions. On the other side, the 30's had negative viewpoints while the 20's and 40's had neutral perspectives. For the potency dimension, the age groups were divided into the 20's, 30's and 40's, 50's; having the younger generations underestimate the potency dimension of such categories. Also for the 'General Occupation', 20's and the 30's relatively devaluated with more distinctive degree toward evaluation dimensions. For religion, 20's and 30's were positive toward buddhist monks while the 40's and 50's were more favorable with priests. For the non-economically active population, the lifetime cycle influenced each generations. When performing a two dimensional analysis toward the 'Leader and Professional' with evaluation and potency on each axis, the 50's highly evaluated both evaluation and potency dimension of such identities. However, for the 40's, 30's and 20's, the average value fell while the focus of the distribution deepened. The 30's had negative perspective toward the evaluation dimension while the 20's reflected critical attitude toward the potency dimension.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.137-152
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• 2015

The purpose of this research is to reveal the problems of the Western based development discourse, and to derive the future direction of postdevelopment as sustainable development. This study attempted to reveal the historical process of formation and change on development discourse. Development generally regarded as the overcome of underdevelopment, inducing the marginalization of the South as a place to follow the development model of the North. State based development discourse (Keynesian development discourse) focused on the growth by industrialization, and the supreme aim of the South was to overcome the underdevelopment. Neoliberalism development discourse emphasized on the market principle based on free competition which was recognized as the best way to provide development. However, neoliberalism discourse has been criticized for the concentration of power and inequality of class, causing on the consideration of postdevelopment because of its emphasis on growth rather than distribution and life value. This research revealed the ways of postdevelopment with fair trade and ethical consumption. However, fair trade and ethical consumption discourses clearly show somewhat limitation subsuming into neoliberal development discourse. In this respect, future ways for postdevelopment have to consider the overcoming of powers based on market and capital, and to orient into the value of redistribution in development process.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.245-264
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• 2002

Library and information science(LIS) research has been dominated by functionalistic orientation as one of the postulates of positivism. As a result, it has often been criticized that LIS research does not take into account the social, cultural, political, and economic contexts on which the theories and the practices of LIS are based. In this regard, this paper seeks to establish and apply critical inquiry through a review of the relevant aspects of critical theory and application of those insights to current research and practice in LIS. Connections of LIS research to relevant political, social and economic issues are particularly stressed.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.135-159
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• 2018

This thesis compares and analyzes the dynamics between policy, knowledge and power of Myanmar's higher education development. The papers begins by exploring the dynamics during the Socialist Military Regime(1962~1988), the Collapse of Higher Education Era(1988~2010), Thein Sein's Reform Era(2010~2015) and the current Aung San Suu Kyi's Civilian Era(2015~Now). By highlighting recent dramatic policy changes, the article argues that the policy discourse on the subject of internationalization of higher education and the technocratization of education development policy by the current Civilian Government in its new policy discourse, that resulted in the active participation as well as the contributions of international donors has directly impacted on the policy dynamics around the Comprehensive Education Sector Review and the introduction of the National Education Strategic Plan 2016~2020. Further, by examining complex interaction between the current domestic education stakeholders and international donors in education sector in Myanmar, this thesis argues that the new analytical framework on the understanding of policy dynamics in developing countries goes beyond the national level. The paper argues that there needs to be broadening of the analytical framework towards the multidimensional analysis perspective that includes global, national as well as local level policy, knowledge and power dynamics in Myanmar's dynamically changing higher education sector.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.113-156
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• 2016

Media scholars take a lion stake in power circle. Not only do they take a part in media policies but seize prestigious positions like board members in Korea Communication Commission(KCC). Unfortunately, though, little has been known about who they are, what qualifications they have, and whether they meet public interests. This paper attempts to unveil the mechanism of those politicized intellectuals who are specialized on the media. Two categories divided into 'representative' and 'expertise' are employed for this purpose. On the one hand, the representative means the degree of committment into such public services as participation in conferences or non-profit organizations. On the other hand, the number of research articles, books and projects belong to the expertise. Evaluation levels consist of 'excellence, good and average' were allocated to those scholars who are(were) in 'Power Hole,' where decision makings come into being. Some interesting observations were made though this study. First of all, such criteria as representative and expertise vaguely suggested by the laws were hardly fit into those intellectuals, Rarely did they commit into public service let alone showing vigilance in academic activities. Secondly, both ideological loyalty and political activities in line with the government had much to do with taking such positions. Thirdly, not surprisingly, it showed that to graduate from Seoul National University and have Ph.D. degree from U.S.A. was one of the most essential factors. In final, most of them were very good at taking advantage of the press in way of boosting their publicity. To attend at policy making processes either in form of board members or advisers is inevitable for media experts. However, as shown in this study, such qualification of public service and academic eagerness shouldn't be underestimated. Academic integrity not selling intelligence solely for private interests needs to be protected as well. The authors hope this study to provide a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in participating into politics.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.4 no.1 s.7
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• pp.83-110
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• 2004

This article examines the legislation process of internet contents regulation through three phases from a policy network point of view. In the first phase, heated debates were initiated during the public hearings after the Ministry of Information & Communications announced its plan to introduce the internet contents grading system During the second phase, bills were submitted to the Standing Committee of the National Assembly, where the bills were deliberated, passed, and promulgated. In the third phase, issues on enforcement ordinance were resolved as the degree of conflict was mitigated. Policy network during the first phase started in a conflicting and distributed form, but has evolved into a conflicting and centralized form. The appropriate closure of the debate on the internet contents regulation can be explained by the structure of governmental departments, the character of new technology, and the mobilization of general public.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.113-165
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• 2005

The research focused on the return of class analysis of the media soctor. It is told that class is a determining factor of media industry. This article is divided in to four sections that represent class analysis of media. In this study, I claimed that class analysis is necessary of understanding the nature of media industrial capital and its nature. With their domination of the media, big corporations seek to control political power and information. This article has demonstrated that the media power of corporations should be curved.