• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.7-38
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• 2013

From the philosophy of Laozi, we can infer the two types of the individuals, such as Youwei individual and Wuwei individual. The Youwei individual characterizes its expandibility, which appears as an aggressive character, and the society where this has set in is a false society. The Wuwei individual discards a false power and authority, concentrates on its realities and life, and further restricts its rights in a voluntary way. Their behavioral pattern like this allows the other party to secure an autonomous space and ensures that he or she can live a full life in person. The society these Wuwei individuals have formed through their own relationships is Xuantong Society. The Xuantong Society proposed by Laozi restricts individual rights, but it rather guarantees individual's autonomy, life and happiness, and suggests an individual-community model in which common good is created endlessly even though it does not establish the common good. This is very different from the points of view which guarantees individual rights and at the same time attempt to realize the common good together.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.685-698
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• 1996

Southern Louisiana has one of the largest Vitnamese refrgee neighborhoods after the mid-1970s. It is impressive that one of their adaptive strategies comes from their religious lives which are centered on either Catholicism or Buddhism. The Buddhism community, especially, exhibits an exotic symbolic system of value and attitude, and thus contributes to cultural diversity in the adopted country. The landscape of the Buddhist temple is a visible symbol to them that the host socirty accepts their maintenance of their own cultural identity and that they are also an integral part of American society. Their making-place and being-in-place procedures, although their culture is being transformed in the original shape, put an emphasis on interaction with the host xociety. These procedures have been facilitated by consolidating their identity as a minority group as well as by interacting with the host society. The on-going influx of foreign immigrant groups seems not to drive them to assimilate into the melting-pot society, but to contribute to contribute to the increase in the cultural diversity of the United States.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.255-265
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• 2014

Job creation is foundation for wealth creation of the individual personal and important social activities that can solve the problem through increased economic activity and decreased population of unemployment. Jab creation contributes to the best way to solve social problems by acting as mediator of economic stability by establishment to a virtuous cycle between growth and employment and providing the foundation for sustainable growth. In this study, the factors affect on entrepreneurship and professional values were studied on the vocational personality types of student. As a result of this study, Vocational personality types positive commitment to the entrepreneurship. Realistic, exploratory, artistic, social, persuasive and customary factors also positive commitment the entrepreneurship. Vocational personality types positive commitment to the professional values. Professional values positive commitment to the entrepreneurship. However, the professional value factors which are self-actualization, safety, power, independence, community service and leadership depend on entrepreneurship. Therefore, in order to improve the success rate of student start ups, the appropriate selection of optional items of start ups and entrepreneurship education at the right time to establish a business plan by the type of vocational personality types and should provide the opportunity to encounter.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.68
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• pp.7-24
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• 2006

This article is the critical review of the methods and assumptions with which the Korean archaeologists have tried to approach to the Bronze age society. It was not until the 1980s' that there had been any attempt to define the relevant units for the study of past societies. Before the archaeological records of megalithic builders in the Bronze age began to be analyzed to find out the general traits of chiefdom society, Korean archaeologists had described the variations in the cultural, rather than the social, entities. From the 1990s' , some scholars have attempted to reconstruct the scale and organization of the social groups and explain the growth of polities in evolutionary view, analyzing the hierarchical distributions of settlement data. In the concluding remarks of the review, I would like to indicate the some problems in the conceptualization of the material culture patterning in the regional and/or inter-regional level. First, the conceptual problem which appeared when the Bronze archaeologists define the distribution of artifact assemblages, composed of the specific artifact traits , beyond the instrumental categories that are efficient for the establishments of regional chronologies. It is evidently erroneous conceptualization that we define the artifact assemblages as the socio-cultual entities which came into being in specific time and place, geographically expanded, and finally disappeared based on the view of essentialism. Second, the interpretative problems about wide distributions of certain bronze artifacts must be indicated. I would like to suggest that the wide distributions of the specific bronze dagger or mirror types should be explained not by the cultural area concept related to the ethnicity assumptions, but by the world system or the inter-regional interaction models.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.2
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• pp.247-276
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• 2009

The purpose of this essay is to explore the methodological standpoint and the meaning of 'Discourse Analysis' in policy science. I discussed it in three dimensions including: 1) the ontological point of view, 2) the epistemological perspective, and 3) researcher's position in policy research. 1) From the ontological standpoint, I explained the policy as a text, context, discourse, and ideology, that is focused on being constructed by the formative power of language. 2) The ontological standpoint produced "the argumentative turn" in the policy analysis, and many policy analysts emphasize the argumentative process of policy making and evaluation. This argumentation process includes the interpretative and critical viewpoints as well as the normative and ethical characteristics of policies in the discourse analysis. We should reexamine reality critically because discourse is ultimately influenced by the prevailing cultural and social norms. Therefore, an interpretative and critical viewpoint is an epistemological perspective in the discourse analysis. This critical approach creates an awareness of the limitations on our thinking under the particular major discourse, and requires the self-reflection within and beyond the discourse. This process leads to the human emancipation. 3) In order to achieve this emancipation, the last approach suggests that we need to scrutinize "the subject" as a researcher, who is also influenced and subjectified by the major discourse and, thus must deconstruct his or herself. Last but not least, we should emphasize the researcher's role as a listener of the minor voice(discourse) and even the silence of the clients.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.169-186
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• 2020

This study selected 127 powerful Korean film producers, directors, and actors whose stable audience drawing power has been proven over the past seven years from 2013 to 2019, and viewed their network through social network analysis(SNA) to explain their power structure. It also explained the changes compared to the results of previous studies conducted on box office hits from 1998 to 2012. The producers who showed the highest audience drawing power over the past seven years were KANG Hae-jung, JANG Won-seok, LEE Eugene, HAN Jae-duk. BONG Joon-ho, KIM Yong-hwa, and RYOO Seung-wan as directors and SONG Kang-ho, HA Jung-woo, and HWANG Jung-min as actors were confirmed to exhibit the most stable audience drawing power. Meanwhile, the network formed by the 127 leading producers, filmmakers, and actors was analyzed based on closeness/ degree/eigenvector/betwenness centrality, and the result discovered a strong network involving JANG Won-seok, HAN Jae-duk, CHO Jin-woong, Don LEE, and HWANG Jung-min. This study is meaningful in that it included producers, the position which has never been discussed in previous local studies to analyze the network influencing star casting, and selected accurate box office hits by checking whether the concerned films actually reached break-even point rather than simply relying on the number of audiences or total revenue they garnered. Nonetheless, it left a hole to be filled in that it did not include the role of the management companies in the network. Therefore, a relevant follow-up discussion would be needed.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.167-196
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• 2009

The king-vassal-subject relation in neo-confucianism can be elucidated in their status context as well as in their communicative context. In their status context, there are two aspects of power such as sovereignty and rule. Chu-zhi thinks that subjects are nobler than king in the aspect of sovereignty, but the relation is reversed in the aspect of ruling power. These two relaitions are not contradictory, but compatible. When ruling power operates, he thinks, king, vassals and word-watching officials(諫官) must check each other. In their communicative context, there are theories of sympathy and public discourse. Sympathy consists of moral sympathy through virtue politics and emotional sympathy through enjoying together. Chu-zhi finds a theoretical basis of public discourse in the place where heavenly principle meets with human mind. Public discourse is to search for common good. Institutional arrangements for public discourse are the official's rights to open and free speech. He thinks that word-watching officials must be speech leaders.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.6 no.9
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• pp.59-70
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• 2016

The rapid development of the Chinese version of Twitter, the groom Weibo has become an important communication means for Chinese SNS users to obtain and share information. As a result, in China, the phenomenon of the power shift has emerged from the traditional opinion leaders to SNS opinion leasers. The relationship analysis of demographic variables of the Chinese SNS users and their Information on the relationship between keywords was made by utilizing the centrality analysis using Social Network Program NetMiner. China's SNS opinion leaders have general interest in daily activities with their families or friends rather than in social issues. And in case of SNS opinion leaders of high betweenness centrality, it was analyzed that general users was a key mediator role that organically out lead to the adjacent information. These properties are not independent of demographic variables, such as professional, therefore, the demographic characteristics of SNS opinion leaders showed a significant effect on the parameters of betweenness centrality. This study analyzed the characteristics of SNS users, especially opinion leaders in China by looking at the aspects of Chinese social phenomenon in terms of information. Through this study, we expect to provide basic information about the social characteristics of China through collective communication.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.245-271
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.