• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.243-271
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• 2016

When an aggressive war reached at the climax in 1940, a commemorative event called celebration' was held on a large scale in Japan for 'beginning former 2,600 years. It was performed for the policy that was going to break off the fatigue that was tired for nation dissatisfaction and war for the politics. I considered Urayasu-no-mai Dance played as part of a celebration event in a Shinto shrine of the all over Japan how was created and spread by this article Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created newly and was played in Shinto shrines of the whole country. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created based on Gagaku and Miko Mai (shrine maiden's dance) that has been read aloud not to go out of the ancient times. It was created in the situation of the war and spread and was spread. It will be said that Urayasu Dance is a typical example of 'forged traditional'. Urayasu Dance is a tradition made at modern time and remains for an unfortunate inheritance used again by the advertising tool of the national ideology. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance is expanded more now, without enough consideration about the historic procession other words, It played under a strong-arm society atmosphere is placed as new folk performing arts all too soon. In the complicated world situation at the time, Urayasu-no-mai Dance that emphasized a Japanese tradition for the inside and outside were spread. Urayasu-no-mai Dance created in modern times substitutes a traditional shaman dance, and there is even the tendency that ritual performing arts peculiar to each local Shinto shrine is unified to Urayasu-no-mai Dance. Such a movement shows a new aspect of the culture power that social turning to the right in Japan is not unrelated to becoming it. It is a traditional reinvention, or do you forge the tradition? I examined a process of a process and the spread of traditional creation produced consistently.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.289-326
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• 2016

The strategy of "soft power" in the foreign and internal policies of modern Russia is one of the important factors in the implementation of public policies, and the influence of soft power is increasingly becoming stronger and gaining new forms and methods of implementation. The Russian government exerts efforts to form a positive image of Russia in the international arena, in order to strengthen the country's competitiveness, based on active use of "soft power." Currently, Russian cultural policy is developing in two main directions. In the internal policy sphere, the Russian government emphasizes national unity and civic solidarity, and fosters a sense of patriotism and national pride. In the sphere of foreign policy, the Russian government is attempting to regain its status as a great power and to create a new image of Russia that is different from that of the former Soviet Russia. In this article, we examine and analyze various aspects of the hidden political mechanisms involved in mega-sporting events, in particular the Sochi Olympics, from the viewpoint of Russian internal and foreign policy. We address the major functions of mega-sporting events and their influence in the political realm. The political impact of mega-sports projects can even compensate for economic losses incurred during the preparation and hosting of the Olympic games. In this respect, we can define mega-sporting events as one of the main components of soft power; such events reflect the basic directions of internal and foreign policy in post-Soviet Russia, which are to form and promote an image of Russia using national branding. In order to fairly and objectively analyze the recognition and perception held by Russians of the significance of mega-sporting events, in this work, we carefully studied the results of various surveys conducted by the Russian research organization VCIOM (Russian Public Opinion Research Center) before and after Russia hosted the Winter Olympic games in Sochi (2014) and the Summer Olympic games in Kazan (2013). Furthermore, on the basis of the ranking of national brands by Simon Anholt (Anholt Nation Brands Index - NBI), and on the basis of the ranking of 100 national brands conducted by the British consulting company "Brand Finance" (Brand Finance Nation Brands 100), we minutely trace the development and qualitative change in Russia's image and the role of the mega-sporting projects. This article also examines the Kremlin's internal and foreign policies that were successfully carried out in practical terms. This study contributes to the understanding of the value of mega-sporting events from the point of view of cultural policy of the current ruling party of Russia. This standpoint allows us to outline the main directions of Russian cultural policy and to suggest perspectives on the branding strategy of modern Russia, including strategies related to consolidating Russia's position in the international arena.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.563-592
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• 2017

This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.79-106
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• 2011

The cultural contents industries have moved closer to the centre of the economic action in many countries and across much of the world. For this reason, the concern with the development of glocal cultural contents has also been growing. According to Goldman Sock's BRICs report, Indian economy will be the engine of global economy with China. In addition, India will be a new blue chip country for large consumer market of cultual contents. The most important point for the development of glocal cultural contents is a systematic and in-depth analysis of other culture. India is a complex and multicultural country compared with Korea which is a nation-state. Therefore, this paper is intended as an understanding about India appropriately and suggestion for a strategy to enter cultural industry in India. As the purpose of this paper is concerned, we will take a close look at 9 Indian culture codes which can be classified into three main groups: 1) political, social and cultural codes 2) economic codes 3) cultural contents codes. Firstly, political, social and cultural codes are i) consistent democracy and saving common people, ii) authoritarianism which appears an innate respect for authority of India, iii) Collective-individualism which represents collectivist and individualistic tendency, iv) life-religion, v) carpe diem. Secondly, economic culture codes are vi) 1.2billion Indian people's God which represents money and vii) practical purchase which stands for a reasonable choice of buying products. Lastly, viii) Masala movie and ix) happy ending that is the most popular theme of Masala movies are explained in the context of cultural content codes. In conclusion, 3 interesting cases , , will be examined in detail. From what has been discussed above, we suggest oversea expansion strategy based on these case studies. Eventually, what is important is to understand what Indian society is, how Indian society works and what contents Indian prefers.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.45-86
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• 2020

In this article, the "modernization of the tradition" constructed on the cultural politics and the way in which it appropriated in the korean theatre in the 1970s were analyzed. It is trying to reveal its implications. It is also a work to critically review the aspects of self-censorship in the korean theatre in the 70s. To that end, we looked at the theatre company Minye Theatre, which preoccupied the traditional discussions in the 1970s by creating national dramas. Until now, the evaluation of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the 1970s has focused on the achievement on the directing of Heo Gyu, who promoted the succession and transformation of tradition. However, the traditional ideology constructed in the state-led cultural politics in the 70s and the way in which it was operated cannot be evaluated only in terms of artistic achievement. The ideology of tradition is selected according to the selective criteria of the subject to appropriate tradition. What's important is that certain objects are excluded, discarded, re-elected, re-interpreted and re-recognized in the selection process of selected traditional ideology. This is the situation in the '70s, when tradition was constantly re-recognized amid differences between the decadent and the disorder that were then designated as non-cultural, and led to a new way of appropriate. The nation-led traditional discussion of the '70s legalized the tradition with stable values, one of the its way was the national literary and artistic support. Under the banner of modernization of tradition, theatre company Minye preoccupied the discussions on the tradition and presented folk drama as a new theatre. As an alternative to the crisis of korean theatre at the time, the Minye chose the method of inheriting and transforming tradition. It is noteworthy that Heo Gyu, the representative director of the theatre company Minye, recognized the succession and transformation of traditional performance as both a calling and an experiment. For Heo Gyu, tradition was accepted as an irresistible stable value and an unquestionable calling, and as a result, his performance, filled with excessive traditional practices, became overambitious, especially when it failed to reflect the present-here reality, the repeated use of traditional expression tools resulted in skilled craftsmanship, not artistic creation. The traditional ideology of the 70s unfolds in a new aspect of appropriation in the 80s. In 1986, Son Jin-Cheok, Kim Seong-nyeo, and Yoon Mun-sik, who were key members of the theatre company Minye Theatre, left the theatre to create the theatre company Michu, and secured popularity through Madangnori(popular folk yard theatre). Son Jin-Cheok's Madangnori is overbearing through satire and humor. It gained popularity by criticizing and mocking state power. On the other hand, not only the form of traditional performance, but also the university-centered Madanggeuk movement, which appropriated on the spirit of resistance from the people to its traditional values, has rapidly grown. In the field of traditional discussions of the 70s, Madanggeuk was self-born through appropriation in which the spirit of resistance of the people is used as a traditional value. Madanggeuk as well as Michu that achieved the popularization of Madangnori cannot be discussed solely by the artistic achievement of the modernization of tradition. Critics of korean theatre in response to state-led traditional discussions in the 70s was focused only on the qualitative achievement of performing arts based on artistry. I am very sorry for that. As a result, the popular resistance of the Madanggeuk and the Madangnori were established in the 'difference' with the traditions of the theatre company Minye Theatre. Theatre company Minye Theatre was an opportunity for the modernization of tradition, but the fact that it did not continuously produce significant differences. This is the meaning and limitation of the "tradition" of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the history of korean theatre in the 1970s.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.5-38
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• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.2
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• pp.75-120
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• 2004

Studies on western art in Korea has been caught in a dilemma that they could deal with only those things which had been arranged according to their 'historical generalization' in their contexts because of the bounds of time and space. It is not trivial that such conditions affect art studies in Korea. Access to the original texts and to their contexts of production is so restricted that the studies on them are prone to he superficial. And it is not independent on the politics of Korean art scene. Such factors are on the background of Korean art's excessive 'assimilation or accordance' with western art. The domestic studies on western art history and art theory have failed to notice the differences in context and Korean art has simply mediated or reproduced the restricted information by those studies. Also the studies on western art in Korea have been made use of as a justifying method of one's own academic domains. In such situations we should lead the studies on western art history and western art theory to a more reflective direction and confirm that the studies should not have any privileges of the realities. And we should try to reform a scholarship which participates in our life and existence. The field of domestic studies on western art history and western art theory should free itself from the invention of objectivity or the neutrality of mechanical reading and turn its eyes to the realities of life where events happens. Constantly suggesting which way Korean art and world art should go has to be the field's new coordinates.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.93-101
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• 2010

This paper aims to analyze success factors for the construction of Supdari(a traditional wooden bridge to connect small streams temporarily), which is a citizens' initiative project to revitalize local community in Jeonju-River, Jeonju City. Recently Supdari has been restored for the use of belongings in local festivals. But Jeonju-River Supdari was designed and built to unite local citizens and connect river-divided villages. This project shows how investing social capital like Supdari makes the community vitalize through citizen's active participation. As a citizen leading project, there were several critical factors for sucess. At first, there were some noticeable ways to encourage local citizen's participation in online and offline. In the online, the Supdari internet cafe introduced what is a Supdari, how to make it and where we build using various media of UCCs and photos. In the offline, the small scaled model of Supdari was made and exhibited in the entrance of the village and related several seminars were hosted to discuss how to construct Supdari with citizens, local assembly men and public officials together. The Second is the movement to restore traditional and cultural resources for the community recovery triggered the supports from local councils and many civic groups. Civic groups supported ecological and structural expertise to guarantee environment friendly and stable construction. And local councils mediated citizen's and administrative office's opinions. The third is flexible administrative management to help citizen's ideas to be realized. Officials extended setting period of Supdari on the condition with the civic-control safety management.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.449-484
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• 2009

It has been said that Gwangjudream, nevertheless a free press, plays a role as a local press that it should be, in a situation that other local papers do not. This study aims to reveal the forces that influence the article production of Gwangjudream, and to examine the interrelations between them, through using the methods of participant observations and depth interviews. In this course, it is eventually purpose of providing more deep understandings on the present circumstances and problems of the local papers and having a chance to concern the concrete ways to enhance them. This study results in revealing the five forces that primarily influence the article production of Gwangjudream: 1) as a historical force, keeping the spirit of the first publication that look forward to playing a role as a local press that it sound be, 2) as an individual force, the habitus of its members that is critical of mainstream society and culture, 3) as an organizational force, non-hierarchical culture and the independence of the editorial rights, 4) as a habitual force, the deny of beat system, 5) as an economical force, the power of sponsors, financial poorness, and the competition for attracting subscribers. While the historical force and the individual force play a role as fundamental circumstances and the organizational force and the habitual force as practical circumstances for producing articles, they encourage to emerge the characteristics of the articles that are related to citizens' everyday life and reflect locality, and criticize and keep an eye on government and other public offices. However, the economical force provides the circumstances that weaken the characteristics of Gwangjudream. The results of this study question the perspective to overly regard it as coming from their economical weakness that the local newspaper do not play a role as a local press that it should be.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.6
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• pp.1407-1415
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• 2006

Japan started to colonize Korea in 1910. It's when It forced and made Chosun sign on the Treaty of Protectorate. The Chosun faithfully practiced Japan's colonial policy over Korea. Futhermore, it stopped many Koreans from an anti-Japanese movement and tried to make Koreans have a positive attitude towards Japan. For this, Japan advertised the policy called Nae-sun-il-che which meant Korea and Japan were a community together from the same root. Ultimately, it targeted on absorbing Korea within their territory. With this goal, Japan kept on practicing the policy to acculturize and brainwash Koreans, totally depending on force and pressure from 1910 to 1919. However, this policy had changed by the overall anti-Japanese movement happening on March 1st 1919. Saito, the third governor-general who was appointed laster on, made an effort to win over He favor of Koreans in a less forceful way of the cultural politics. The change of policy had been specified in diverse actions such as permitting civil mass-media bodies forming the observation groups and opening conferences. In the case of daily newspapers, Japan had permitted only the ones by the Government-General of Chosun such as Maeil-shinbo, Kyunsung-ilbo, and Seoul Press before, but then other civil newspapers In Korean stated to be released. Along His Japan formed both Korean and Japanese observation groups to promote the mutual understanding and showed off Japan's goods in the propaganda films by implementing a film department. It's because Japan totally recognized and understood the impact of films. Therefore, Japan distincitively established a film agency for the production of propaganda movies while it banned the civil film production after 1937 when Japan started the war against China and USA in row. So, only one film agency, ruled by the Government-General of Chosun, produced movies from 1942 to 1945.