• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.55
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• pp.164-183
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• 2011

Technology innovation of digital convergence in recent years of the media sector has produced a series of significant changes in journalist labor. This study analyzes how recent introduction of convergent newsroom changed the nature of journalist labor and what strategy the management used to control journalists within the technologically innovated working condition with case of CBS. As the labor process theory tells us, the analysis found that technological innovation in the newsroom has encouraged a couple of aspects regarding labor process. First, losing control over their own labor journalists have undergone the process of significant deskilling. Second, the management have made a constant effort to introduce ideological and political apparatuses with twofold purposes, effective control over workers on one hand and concealing oppressive labor conditions on the other. The effort generated journalists' acceptance of new news-making routine and their consent on labor-management culture founded upon naive familism, which at last resulted in reinforcement of corporate power and isolation of labor society by separating internal labor market.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.109-136
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• 2012

This research analyzed the news coverage of controversy over Korean resumption of Wartime Operational Control from the United States in 2006, trying to find various narrative frames and their relevance to the characters of journalistic interpretive communities. Three competitive frames emerged: Self-national defense and peace making, Balance of self-national defense and the Korea-US alliance, and Priority of the Korea-U.S. alliance and national security. Journalistic discourses were also analyzed through the in-depth interviews of 14 journalists from three interpretive communities. The results revealed that competitions of narrative frames reflected the tensed relationship among political power blocs, each representing the liberal, moderate, or conservative camp of Korean society, and preference of journalistic practices such as objective journalism to advocacy journalism. Finally, inferences were made that the clashes among interpretive authorities, existing behind the competition of news frames, restrained public deliberations on a critical incident regarding national security by blocking up the reasoned news coverage of political controversy.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.6
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• pp.120-131
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• 2012

This study has attempted to explore the way to construct the reality and its implication of the narrative elements in TV Audition Reality Show. According to the study results, first of all, two audition reality show has added the special tasks to characters based on the competition and has developed the dramatic events sequentially. And they has suggested the course of way between survival and fail, that is, inclusion and exclusion. As that results, audiences has be immersed in the process of the justification of the star(hero) myth and the dealings of musical elements to see dramatized show of narrative. And they knew audition reality show as non-real fiction, so they enjoyed the pleasure spontaneously. These means that the empowered media reproduced the illusion like star(hero) with the purpose of the commercial and political aim and one of the ideology to acquiesce in the appropriateness of the competition.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.143
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• pp.291-313
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• 2017

This article aims to analyze the issue of sexual shame and finding answers for how to solve the problem of unjust shame when victims have suffered shaming in a new direction. While existing philosophical arguments have focused on moderating the negative effects of shame by changing the victims' mind, this article tries to fathom the necessity of how to make offenders feel shame. For this, firstly, characteristics of sexual shame on self are described in brief. And then, the article reviews the problems and limitations of existing philosophical methods which have concentrated on changes of victims' thoughts in order to overcome or prevent the negative effects of unjust sexual shame. Next, considering the liberal political philosophy's argument that it is not appropriate that even offenders who committed wrongs should experience shame as there exists an excessive emphasis on the negative aspects of shame, the overlooked positive aspects of shame on fostering human nature, are analyzed. Finally, in the context of sexual shame, the article explores what sense offenders should feel shame and what justifies shaming them.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.119-125
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• 2019

Traditionally, the definition of a republic in the constitutional sciences has remained passive, identifying whether or not a king exists. However, this is not an accurate understanding. Reinterpreting the meaning of the Republic at this point is expected to play a role in easing the side effects of neo-liberalism. It is more important than anything to establish a concrete picture of what a republic is in reinterpretating its meaning. Therefore, the main content of this paper is to clarify it by presenting requirements for the Republic.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.712-726
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to find out what discourse the newspaper's articles produce and distribute about 'drug addiction' and to reveal the topography and meaning of the discourse. Data were collected by searching 'drug' 'drug addiction' as keywords for news articles in four daily newspapers in Korea. As a result of analyzing using Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, first, the 'crime-punishment' discourse was dominant in textual analysis. Drug addiction is a social evil and a serious crime such as sex crimes, child crimes, and violence, so it should be strictly punished. Second, in the discourse practice analysis, drug addiction is a mental disease that needs treatment, so systematic management by the state is required. Third, in the socio-cultural practice analysis, drug addiction is a means of making money for economic benefit, is related to corruption of political power, and is an object that should be strongly controlled to prevent drug crimes from threatening the foundation of the state. Culturally, drug addiction stems from the motivation of pleasure seeking, and is the result of moral degradation. Through this analysis, the conversion to the 'disease-treatment' discourse and drug policies centered on treatment and rehabilitation were suggested as alternatives.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.827-832
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• 2024

Science communication based on social reflection and political consensus among social members should be activated rather than focusing on science and trying to find solutions in a short period of time in order to respond to science and technology risk issues in modern society, which are the main characteristics of complexity, uncertainty, and unpredictability. The purpose of this study is to examine science communication suitable for a risk society and to present implications by exploring in detail how the concept and flow of science communication have changed due to changes in the social paradigm and what is needed to revitalize science communication. When scientific knowledge and understanding of science are combined with public participation, and science communication that can demonstrate practical expertise and efficiency can be realized when empirical knowledge to solve problems in a risk society is strengthened away from the authority and power of science alone.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.163-186
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional conditions and problems for the transition to the North Korean economic system. As a research method, we first analyzed the legislative processes of 4th stage market reform policies (liberalization, privatization, privatization, and corporation) by major economic transition countries. And we found out the difference with North Korea. Based on this, it analyzed the process of institutionalization of North Korea's 4th stage economic reform policies (7.1 measures, comprehensive market policies, Currency reform, 6.28 policy). According to research, There are three important conditions that can not compare the changes of the North Korean market economy with those of the transition economies. First, the internal and external conditions and environment for the transition of the economic system and the role of the state and civil society are very different. Second, the means and objectives of the policy decision process and the implementation process are different. Third, it differs absolutely in terms of the nature and effectiveness of the nation's political and economic policies. Fourth, the priority, contents, and legislation process of economic policies for economic reform differ considerably from those of North Korea. Especially, when discussing the possibility of transition to the 'Chinese model', it is accompanied a considerable risk. It is because the purpose of market entry of control power in North Korea and their survival network are quite unique. In addition, China's domestic market size, population size, and type of control are quite different from North Korea. A necessary and sufficient condition for the transition of the North Korean economic system is the relaxation of physical control mechanisms and institutions in the market area. Next, it is necessary to make a legitimate institutionalization as well as an entire survey on the illegal ownership market. Based on this, it is necessary to gradually change the dependence of the domestic market on China to South Korea. In other words, this is a paradigm shift in the semi-controlled power exclusion, post-automation and domestic market.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.121-156
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• 2015

Memorials in Joseon Dynasty created a arena where the intellectual and political power met. This thesis traces the process of a certain political faction's rebuilding of the political structure of the elite groups by leading the intellectual controversies through memorials, especially those about the evaluations of Pak Setang(朴世堂) and I Gyeongseok(李景奭). This is what happened: Song Siyeol(宋時烈) submitted a memorial which disputed I Gyeongseok's petition, which provoked complete controversies around the memorials between Noron(老論) and Soron(少論). This led to the academic censorship against Sabyeonrok written by Pak Setang. The analysis of act of writing and submission of memorials by Noron and the role of the Kim Family of An-dong(安東 金門) specifically is the main topic here. The members of Soron ceaselessly criticized Song Siyeol, while the Kim Family strongly defended him. The trigger of the strife was a letter written by Kim Chang-Heup(金昌翕), a member of the Kim Family and the Kims played a significant role in the background during the process of political fights using memorials. The series of memorials criticized or supported certain political figure or his writings, but the opinions of Noron and Soron were directly opposite to each other. Even though the expressed difference was the result of the existing political factions, however, it also caused the new power structure of elite groups. The expressions and logics used in the arguments also have its significance. The Noron's memorials evaluated the contemporary people and their writings based on Chu-Hsi and Song Siyeol, who was regarded as a identical figure of Chu-Hsi. The arguments and writing strategies in this regard gained political strength enough to reorganize the intellectual society by changing alignment of political parties, and this led to the rebuilding of academic environment afterward.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.