• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.767-773
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• 2021

This thesis is a study on the rhythm of the funeri dance among the East Coast Guts. The jangdans used in the East Coast Gut are used for dance, samurai, and play scenes. In addition, it is a means for the shaman to perform the gut smoothly, and it also includes a role to represent humans and gods. In particular, the funeri jangdan has been performed in the preparatory stage before worshiping the god, prior to the ceremony of worshiping the god. Therefore, it can be said that it is a meaningful jangdan with a procedure for preparing to welcome the god and performing rituals and bows. In fact, if you are constrained by time while performing a gut, long jangdans respond with fast jangdans and sing samurai. On the other hand, the funeri jangdan is played without omission without any special measures. However, there are cases where one of Chapter 1 or Chapter 2 is omitted for circumstances, or only Chapter 3 is played. In other words, the verse of chapter 3 must be played. Judging from this aspect, it can be confirmed that the functional and ceremonial part of this jangdan is important to the progress of the funery jangdan. Therefore, if the position and function of the jangdan are recognized and the work is created through this study, its artistry and tradition will be further developed, and it is thought that it can be a stepping stone to increase the value of traditional art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.88-123
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• 2009

Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is a local festival of Yeongnam that was initially designated as Intangible Cultural Heritage No. 44 "Hanjanggun Nori" in 1971 and finally became Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival in 2007. At first, few parts of it were designated for preservation and it was succeeded as a whole without connections between each part. Problems also rise from the fact that it has not been closely studied. Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is mostly classified into five parts: Keungut, Yeowonmu, Hojanggut, Hanmyoje, and Jainpalgwangdae. This study has closely discussed each part as follows: 1. Keungut 1) Process and Contents of Keungut - Characteristics of Gut in Daegu and Gyeongsan 2) Presence of Performers that can Execute Traditional Gut of Local Area 3) Problems with the Name of Keungut - Ex: 'Hanjanggungut' or 'Keungut' 4) Problems of Dano Festival without Parts to Summon and Send off Spirits before and After Keungut and Restoration Measures 2. Yeowonmu 1) Essence of Yeowonmu and Yeowonhwa 2) Problems with the Mass Game of Hundreds of High School Girls 3) Origin and Succession of Yeowonmu 3. Hojanggut 1) Changes in Characters of Hojanggut 2) Composition and Characteristics of Hojanggut 3) Problems with the Name and Characteristics of Hojanggut 4. Jainpalgwangdae Nori 1) Similarity with Newly Created Shows 2) Problems with the Name of Palgwangdae 3) Difference with the Composition of Other Mask Dances 4) Dances and Movements Distinguished from Other Mask Dances in Yeongnam The following are the solutions suggested for Gyeongsan Jain Dano Festival. First, for the restoration of Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival, Dano festivals and Byeolsinje of nearby areas with clear traditions could be benchmarked. Second, the major content of Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is 'Hanjanggungut,' and it has to be the leading content of the festival. Third, the structural principle of Korean festival must be adopted and the process and principle must correspond to those of other traditional shows. Fourth, as Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is the comprehensive form of art, folk, and festival, each part must be closely related in a well-planned scenario. Fifth, Intangible talents and successful training must be widely acknowledged for successful transmission and responsible performances. Sixth, traditional festivals must be restored along with the discovery and development of various festival repertories and spectacles such as tour programs and experiential tours that contribute to local economy.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.245-280
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• 2011

One of the major streams of modern play in Korea is the work of introducing Korea's traditional ritual-'gut' into a play. Such work, together with the stream of diversification of culture, has brought about the tendency to induce 'gut' into a play in a creative way. The research on ritual plays in Korea has been done in the direction of studying the ritual plays in the West centering on the work of theoretically inquiring into histrionic features inhering in 'gut' as a ritual. This research made an analysis of the receptive aspect of rituals and histrionic characteristics presented in Korea plays through "Sanssikgim" and "Ogu" on the basis of the theory of ritual plays established by Artaud. In an effort to understand the receptive aspect of rituals, this research analyzed what forms these Korean works are borrowing from "Ssikgim gut" and "Ogu gut" while analyzing these works differently from the viewpoint of Artaud regarding characteristics of ritual plays. Accordingly, this research made an analysis of the structure and characteristic of "gut" with the aim of understanding in what form "gut" is absorbed into Korean plays by looking at the theatric receptive forms of "gut." The ritual plays in Korea originated in "gut." Likewise, the theater of cruelty by Artaud was greatly influenced by the belly dance stemming from "mudang-gut" in Asia. Accordingly, there is considerably exposed something in common between the ritual play in Korea and Artaud's theater of cruelty. "Gut" in Korea, or ritual plays are a little different from Artaud's work which makes its audience feel unfamiliar in that 'gut' or ritual plays in Korea are pursuing ritualistic quality and playing quality simultaneously, but there exists a similarity between the two in that they both desired to have communication with audiences. This researcher strongly believes that for the time to come, when the receptive aspect of the modern play assuming ritualistic quality is developed using the medium of communication with audiences, purification and play therapy, its direction will be more noticeably exposed.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.5-27
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• 2010

The Korean Mask-Dance Theatre has been developed closely related to Korean Shaman rituals. As many scholars noticed, the performers of the Mask-Dance Theatre were closely related to the Shaman family. In addition, there are mask-dance performances in actual shaman rituals. and are the representative performances among them. This essay intends to compare these two mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals to the similar performance of Old Grandpa and Grandma episode in the regional Mask-Dance Theatre. This study would bring us further in proving the close relation between the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. is one episode, Keori, in the shaman ritual of 'Baeyeonsin-kut' and 'Taedong-kut' in the mid-west seashore area. 'Taedong-kut' is the village shaman ritual for fertility and prosperity, while 'Baeyeonsin-kut' is a private shaman ritual for a large catch of the ship. is held in the later part of the whole shaman ritual since the later part tend to be more for entertainment than actual ritual. The story of is very similar that of in Pongsan Mask-Dance Theatre of the mid-west region. In addition, some of their dialogues are very similar. Only the later part is different. These similarities indicate that the Mask-Dance Theatre, which came into being in later period than the shaman ritual, has likely taken the story motif of the shaman ritual. is also a performance in the shaman ritual of east coasts. is more elaborate and recreational than of the west coasts. is also performed near the end of the ritual, and sometimes it is not performed at all. This indicates that has little ritual meaning left. When we compare it with the regional Mask-Dance Theatres such as Keosung Okwangdae, Tongyong Okwangdae, and Suyong Yaryu, the structure and the story lines are also very similar. It is a question why only the motif of the Grandpa and Grandma isfound both in the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. Many other motifs of other episodes in the Mask-Dance Theatre are not found in the shaman rituals. It seems that the Grandpa and Grandma motif is related to the ur-belief in fertility. In other words, this motif seems to be originated from the old belief in the fertility couple of Chonha Taechanggun and Jiha Yeochanggun. The shaman ritual for fertility first picked up this motif, and then the mask-dance theatre also adapted this motif for its recreational purpose. When we compare with , still has more aspects of fertility ritual, while lost its ritualistic meaning and its main purpose is to develop dramatic needs. and are invaluable existent performances to prove theatre's origin in ritual. The existence of mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals shows us the transit performance between theatre and ritual.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.383-392
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• 2022

Mokpo is a port city in the southwest of the Korean Peninsula. The popular song "Tears of Mokpo" is a song planted in the hearts of the entire nation. In this content, there are Yudalsan Mountain and Samhakdo Island in Mokpo, and people vaguely know this area, but it is a familiar place. In particular, Samhakdo Island is a representative brand that symbolizes Mokpo and is a place with regional identity. Mokpo City is creating many facilities infrastructure to develop Samhakdo Island. It is a stepping stone for converting the local economy into a tourism industry. However, the development of performance contents for the soft power of local culture is weak. In this respect, this study presented performance contents for Samhakdo Island, Mokpo's representative brand, for local tourism attractiveness. The research progress is a study on planning and researching performance contents using the location of Samhakdo Island in Mokpo. First, the background of the theory of performance content planning based on local placeability was examined. Next, Samhakdo Island in Mokpo proposed planning for performance contents.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.5-43
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• 2011

Before the Korean War, Korean mask dramas had been performed as parts of seasonal customs and had been passed down in connection with various seasonal events, such as village rites, tug of war, torch fighting, Jisinbabgi(stepping on evil spirits), Gilnori, and Sattonoreum. However, after the Korean War, the dramas were played independently regardless of those seasonal events; thus, they have lost their original functions and meanings. After the Korean War, the lion dance in the Bukcheong lion mask play included two lions (as opposed to one lion prior to the Korean War) and the Aeonesung and Sadang dances were added. The scene in which a lion eats a child changed to a lion eating a rabbit doll. Furthermore, whereas mask types used to be diverse, they are now standardized to one type of lion mask. In the Yangju Byulsandae-nori, eight monks and Waejangnye, Aesadang appeared in 'Aesadang Bubgonori', but now the Malddugi mask character is added. Current performances omit sexually suggestive scenes. In the pre-Korean War version of the old man and old woman act, the old man sang a song to the soul of the dead woman, but now a shaman appears and performs an exorcism. In the dialogues, vulgar and sexual statements have been shortened as many audience members are women and children. Regarding the appearance of the masks, the lotus leaf, the monk with Scabies, and sannim masks have been significantly changed. Bongsantalchum has also changed, especially in the old monk act. Previously, two Somu used to appear whereas now only one appears. The scene of the shoe seller's and the monkey's departure is also different. Furthermore, while the former masks once had big eye holes on each side of the nose, now the masks have smaller holes on the eyes.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.97-128
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• 2016

According to the findings of the study, the music composition of the mask play is deeply related to the main characteristics of the scene. The first scene of the play starts with the Byeoksa dance. This particular dance part represents the evil spirit expel ritual. The instrumental accompaniment like and are played for the dance. The last part of the play starts with the Halmi and Yeonggam scene. This scene is played in both the instrumental and vocal music. For the instrumental part , for the vocal part and songs are played. and songs are played on the part of the Halmi's funeral ceremony scene. The instrumental and are played in various scenes for the accompaniment of the dance part. The musical structure of the mask play is flexible. This kind of flexibility of scene structure mainly concerned with the way of musical composition. The main structure of the mask play can be classified into two main styles according to the allocation of the vocal music. In first style, the vocal music is evenly dispersed. In second style, the vocal parts are concentrated in the rear section. As I mentioned earlier, no logical association is found in the matter of the scene arrangement. A scene arrangement has a deep connection with the arrangement of the music in each scene. In conclusion, the mixed arrangement of the scene in mask play is mainly concerned with the matter of the music arrangement in order to maintain the tension of the drama.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.253-289
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• 2012

Dasiraegi is a traditional funeral rite performance of Jindo located in the South Jeolla Province of South Korea. With its unique stylistic structure including various dances, songs and witty dialogues, and a storyline depicting the birth of a new life in the wake of death, embodying the Buddhism belief that life and death is interconnected; it attracted great interest from performance organizers and performers who were desperately seeking new contents that can be put on stage as a performance. It is needless to say previous research on Dasiraegi had been most valuable in its recreation as it analyzed the performance from a wide range of perspectives. Despite its contributions, the previous researches were mainly academic focusing on: the symbolic meanings of the performance, basic introduction to the components of the performance such as script, lyrics, witty dialogue, appearance (costume and make-up), stage properties, rhythm, dance and etc., lacking accurate representation of the most crucial element of the performance which is sori (song). For this reason, the study analyzes the music of Dasiraegi and presents its musical characteristics along with its scores to provide practical support for performers who are active in the field. Out of all the numbers in Dasiraegi, this study analyzed all of Geosa-nori and Sadang-nori, the funeral dirge (mourning chant) sung as the performers come on stage and Gasangjae-nori, because among the five proceedings of the funeral rite they were the most commonly performed. There are a plethora of performance recordings to choose from, however, this study chose Jindo Dasiraegi, an album released by E&E Media. The album offers high quality recordings of performances, but more importantly, it is easy to obtain and utilize for performers who want to learn the Dasiraegi based on the script provided in this study. The musical analysis discovered a number of interesting findings. Firstly, most of the songs in Dasiraegi use a typical Yukjabaegi-tori which applies the Mi scale frequently containing cut-off (breaking) sounds. Although, Southern Kyoung-tori which applies the Sol scale was used, it was only in limited parts and was musically incomplete. Secondly, there was no musical affinity between Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi albeit both are for funeral rites. The fundamental difference in character and function of Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi may be the reason behind this lack of affinity, as Ssitgim-gut is sung to guide the deceased to heaven by comforting him/her, whereas, Dasiaregi is sung to reinvigorate the lives of the living. Lastly, traces of musical grammar found in Pansori are present in the earlier part of Dasiraegi. This may be attributed to the master artist (Designee of Important Intangible Cultural Heritage), who was instrumental in the restoration and hand-down of Dasiaregi, and his experience in a Changgeuk company. The performer's experience with Changgeuk may have induced the alterations in Dasiraegi, causing it to deviate from its original form. On the other hand, it expanded the performative bais by enhancing the performance aspect of Dasiraegi allowing it to be utilized as contents for Performing Arts. It would be meaningful to see this study utilized to benefit future performance artists, taking Dasiraegi as their inspiration, which overcomes the loss of death and invigorates the vibrancy of life.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.5-33
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• 2009

Jain-Danoje's course since modern is not different with almost all of folk performances, which were restored and reconstructed with a background of the designation of an intangible cultural heritage and National folk arts contest sine the 1960s. Generally, these folk performances were decontextualized in course of extinction and reappearance, and recontextualized in course of new directions on tradition. Also, the performances were interpreted differently and transformed by the main constituents of reappearance. Jain-Danoje nowadays has a regular form just at that time that has been designated as a cultural heritage at 1970s. But, today's Jain-Danoje is clearly different with the last appearance in 1936 and some Literature and jainhyun-eupji. I think such differences would stems from the process of reproduction. From this perspective, I had investigate Old literature and the early days report, and the current text. Especially, I will show the considerable change which has been occurred in the Yeowonmu and Hojanggut, the central role to configure that identity, by comparing past and today. As a result of consideration, today's form of the Yeowonmu and Hojanggut are created texts that mind the designation of an intangible cultural heritage and National folk arts contest. These texts has been reproduced without understanding about structure and current of folk festival and state of performance which has been transmitted on premodern society. some intellectuals search for an archaic form of Jain-Danoje based on jainhyun-eupji that created in 1895, except the other jainhyun-eupji. Moreover, because of the understanding with a bias, they can't grasp the meaning about the religious service for Hanjanggun, and they can't see the facts of Yeowonmoo. In addition, they were aware of 'o-sin' that led by Hojang as a fancy dress parade in a carnival, and that is recognized as a component of Jain-Danoje, so there was other text which is different from our own festival.