• Title/Summary/Keyword: 군사정권

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A Comparison of Image Representation Strategies used in Propaganda Films in South and North Korea: Focused on the 1960s (남북한 선전영화의 이미지 재현 전략 비교연구: 1960년대를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Seung
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.18 no.12
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    • pp.364-371
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    • 2018
  • In the 1960s, both South and North Korea needed to stabilize their regimes, and propaganda films were at the core of establishing this purpose. South Korea claimed legitimacy of a military government and called for service to fulfill the government's mission of the era, while North Korea emphasized the impeccability of their leader and the superiority of their socialist system. This study investigates image reproduction strategies used in South and North Korean propaganda films at the time under the context of domestic and foreign environments in the 1960s. First, South and North Korea portrayed their rulers as a strong leader and friendly leader, respectively, to establish legitimacy. Second, South and North Korea tried to image the same incident from different views in order to instill the spirit of age defined from their own perspectives. Third, propaganda films at the time portrayed desirable images of citizens (people) and visualized a flawless government. Authoritarian governments in South and North Korea in the 1960s facilitated the establishment of the so-called official society through propaganda films.

Ideological Tendency and Assessment of the Government Policy through Reporting South-North Korea Issue: Comparative Analysis of Editorials under Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung Administrations (언론의 남북문제 보도에 나타난 이데올로기적 성향과 정부 정책 평가: 김영삼 정부와 김대중 정부 시기의 사설 비교 분석)

  • Lee, Won-Sup
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.35
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    • pp.329-361
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    • 2006
  • This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

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The Modern Meaning of the Republic (공화국의 현대적 의미)

  • SHIN, JAEMYUNG
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.119-125
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    • 2019
  • Traditionally, the definition of a republic in the constitutional sciences has remained passive, identifying whether or not a king exists. However, this is not an accurate understanding. Reinterpreting the meaning of the Republic at this point is expected to play a role in easing the side effects of neo-liberalism. It is more important than anything to establish a concrete picture of what a republic is in reinterpretating its meaning. Therefore, the main content of this paper is to clarify it by presenting requirements for the Republic.

A Study on Immorality in the Transition of Film Censorship and Rating System in Korea (한국영화 검열과 등급분류 제도 변천사에 담긴 비윤리성 탐구)

  • CHUNG, Sujin
    • Trans-
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    • v.2
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    • pp.39-58
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    • 2017
  • This essay aims to examine Korean motion picture policy on the government censorship system from Jacques Derrida's thought associated with sense of ethics. Korean motion picture policy has focused on protection of domestic films to achieve a national goal from military dictatorship regime, so-called people unification or social stability. It also aimed to spread propaganda for despotic government. Thus, the government keeps tight control over all motion picture policy. It restricts not only freedom of choosing movies but also creativity from artist. Derrida used to talk about the justice and violence law. Derrida's thought is connected with the ethical consideration. This research concerned about the violence within film censorship policy of Korean government and explore possibilities of ethical censorship policy from Derrida's perspectives.

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An Investigation of the Delivery of Public Rental Housing in Redevelopment Site in Korea (재개발임대주택 공급제도의 도입상황 및 특징분석)

  • Park, Shinyoung
    • Land and Housing Review
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    • v.12 no.3
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    • pp.51-65
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    • 2021
  • There were strong criticisms against the joint development method: the redevelopment corporation and developers would achieve the whole development profit. The existing tenants who lost their housing in the site argued their right to reside in the site after the development was completed. There was also strong political pressure that the Roh Tae-woo governing administration should resolve the social inequality caused by the situation. In such circumstances, it was introduced that a certain proportion of public rental housing should be built in the redevelopment site; then the government took over the dwellings at a price of construction and allocated them to the existing tenants. The aims of this paper are to understand the rationale behind the inclusion of the public rental housing in the redevelopment sites; and to investigate to what extent the legislation was implemented appropriately. Although the legislation was introduced in Seoul from August 1989, it was not until May 2005 when it was implemented nationwide. At the beginning, there was an ambiguous rule that the number of public housing to be included should be limited to the number of households who would want to remain in the redeveloped site. In 2005 the Seoul metropolitan authority introduced a mandatory proportion; 17% of the total housing delivered in the site should be public rental homes. Since then the proportion. The proportion has been fluctuated by the political agenda of each ruling party: the conservative tended to reduce the proportion, whilst the opposition parties increased the proportion. Currently the proportion is 20% of the total stock to be built. Initially the size of the public housing was exceptionally small- less than 40 m2 but it has increased up to 60 m2 since 2010. The rental price was reasonably lower than market rent. The competition toward redevelopment rental housing that are vacant due to move or death of tenants was very high; it was given to one household out of nine eligible households in 2020.

North Korea's Nuclear Strategy and SLBM Development (북한 SLBM 개발과 핵전략 : 해군력 건설 방향과 한미 해군협력)

  • Oh, Soon-Kun
    • Strategy21
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    • s.41
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    • pp.333-370
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    • 2017
  • 북한의 SLBM 위협이 대한민국 안보에 미치는 영향에 대해 그동안 많은 논의가 있어 왔지만, 북의 잠수함에서 발사하는 탄도미사일이 보유한 진정한 위협에 대한 인식은 아직도 부족한 듯하다. 그 이유는 대부분의 논의가 북 SLBM 기술의 성숙도와 완성시기 등 기술적 수준에 관심이 치우쳐져 있기 때문이다. 핵전략과 억제전략의 관점에서 본다면 북한의 SLBM 개발은 한미동맹의 제1격에 대한 완벽한 제2격 능력 보유에 그 핵심이 있다. 즉 향후 개발될 북한의 SLBM은 평양 김정은 정권의 생존을 보장할 직접적이고 핵심적인 전력이 될 것이다. 이는 궁극적으로 한미 군사동맹과 북한의 현 군사력 균형을 깨뜨리고 앞으로 북의 군사도발 가능성을 더욱 높이는 결과를 가지고 올 것이다. 북의 핵전략은 현재 확증보복(assured retaliation) 단계로 발전하고 있으며, 결국에는 전쟁에 사용될 전술적 핵무기 능력(war-fighting capability)을 갖게 될 것이다. 이에 대한민국 해군은 우리의 강점을 활용하여 적의 약점을 공략할 수 있는 상쇄전략(offset strategy)을 개발하여야 한다. 북한의 현 제한된 잠수함 기술력과 대잠작전 능력을 고려할 때 한국해군은 수중영역에서의 공세적 대잠전(offensive ASW) 개념을 보다 발전시켜야만 할 것이다. 이는 미 해군이 냉전기간 중 소련해군 핵추진전략잠수함(SSBN) 대응을 위해 발전시킨 전략대잠전(strategic ASW) 개념에서 교훈을 얻을 수 있다. 미 해군은 소련 해군의 SSBN 을 억제하기 위해 공세적인 전략대잠전을 수행했고 그 결과 소련해군은 자국의 연안에서 벗어나지 못하는 요새전략(bastion strategy)를 추구할 수밖에 없었다. 당시 미 해군의 전략대잠전은 공격잠수함(SSN), 대잠초계기, 수중 탐지체계(SOSUS), 공격기뢰 등의 전력으로 구성되었다. 따라서 북한 SLBM 에 대한 한국해군의 전략개념은 북의 핵전략(제 2 격능력)을 억제하는 방향으로 정립되어야 하며, 이를 위한 해군력 건설은 대잠전 능력 강화에 초점을 맞추어야 한다. 우리 해군은 장기적으로 핵추진잠수함을 비롯하여 성능이 향상된 대잠초계기, 한반도 해역을 중심으로 한 미 해군의 SOSUS 와 유사한 수중탐지장비 그리고 장시간 수중작전이 가능한 무인잠수정(UUV)을 도입해야만 한다. 단기적으로는 현재 추진되고 있는KAMD 체계에 SM-3 를 보유한 이지스함을 포함시켜, 북 SLBM 에 대한 요격능력을 강화해야 할 것이다. 한미동맹은 북 핵전략의 핵심전력인 SLBM 개발에 대한 위협인식을 공유해야만 하다. 작전적 수준에서는 양국 해군 간 대잠전 및 대유도탄전 작전운용성 증대에 우선순위를 두고, 기존의 한미 간 연합작전능력 강화뿐 아니라 위기시를 대비하여 미일 간 구축되어 있는 대잠전 및 대유도탄전 능력도 활용할 필요가 있을 것이다.

Political Participation of Conservative Protestant Churches and Democracy in Argentine (아르헨티나 보수 개신교의 정치 참여와 민주주의)

  • Kim, Hang-Seob
    • Iberoamérica
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.55-91
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    • 2021
  • This article dealing with the political participation of Argentine Conservative Protestants tried to examine the effect of such political participation on democratic values and order. To this end, it focused on the subject of religious equality and freedom, and issues of same-sex marriage and sex education. First, the demands of the Protestants, who insisted on the equal treatment of all religions by correcting the religious discrimination policies, a legacy of the colonial era and the military regime, are very natural and self-evident, when we presuppose the value of a democratic society based on political equality and human rights. It can be said that it has contributed to the democratization of society by aiming to solve the old problems of society. But when it comes to same-sex marriage and sex education, things are quite different. Without considering the social situations of the socially disadvantaged or minorities, or the legislative purpose of defending their rights, they insist on only their teachings of scriptures or ethics, even within Protestantism, there is a disagreement on interpretation. These theocratic views and exclusivist attitudes can seriously infringe on the human rights or freedoms of people of different religions, or different choices about marriage or sexuality, among other things. It can be a serious threat to democratic order and values.

Route Changes of Our Policy the Public Rental Housing -of Nest Housing and Happy Homes- (우리나라 공공임대주택정책의 경로변화 -보금자리 주택, 행복주택을 중심으로-)

  • Kim, Bog-Sig;Ryu, Ji-Seong
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.16 no.9
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    • pp.170-184
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    • 2016
  • The research is our public rental housing policy are 'Why' Did you no choice but to make the route changes, according to previous governments neo-institutional one fine history of care institutions, Historical analysis method and historical comparison system was complementary to the borders of the principle of hacke to appear (248 hacker, 2004 :) that the path to the model attempts to analyze a mix of evolution. Our country has a high degree of exodus due to industrialization and urbanization have caused and here, by means of side effects to housing was becoming serious social problems. Has this to solve housing problems governments have any policy to take a look at the latest. 5, 16 5,16 Military Coup caused by the advent of the Third Republic ; lack of legitimacy of the regime established, the Korea Housing Corporation randomness that for over the cracks and a consensus on the critical period of Public Rental Housing begins to engage in further studies in this study reported paths of Lee Myung-bak administration during the course of evolution 'of nest housing', and government 'happy homes', Park Geun-hye, a diagnose and address the state of the public rental housing policy by comparison, the next of Public Rental Housing A desirable destination of the study to present.

Comparison of NSC system in the U.S., Japan, and the Republic of Korea (NSC(국가안전보장회의) 체제의 한미일 비교)

  • Kwon, Hyuck-Bin
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.37
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    • pp.29-50
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    • 2013
  • With the recent global threats of terrorism as well as religious conflicts, Northeast Asian countries including South Korea, China, and Japan are experiencing particularly serious security crises as demonstrated by North Korea's threats of nuclear weapons testings and long-range missile launching as well as military provocation toward South Korea such as sinking of ROKS Cheonan and bombardment of Yeonpyeong island and the territorial dispute between China and Japan over Senkaku Islands(Diaoyu Islands). As a result, Park Geun Hye Administration of South Korea and the 2nd Abe Shinzo Cabinet of Japan, both recently established, are making efforts to improve their national security and crisis management policies. One of the key elements of such efforts is the strengthening of National Security Council(NSC) or its equivalent organization as the control tower of national security policy, modeled after the NSC of the United States. This paper compares NSC organization of Korea, the U.S., and Japan and draws policy insights focusing on the current political and national security situation South Korea is facing. Although organizational structure, function, and history of NSC of each country differs, it can be inferred from this comparison that NSC-type of organizations can play an important role as a control tower of security and emergency management policies.

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Utilization plan of HUMINT in order to Overcome North Korea's WMD Treats: Focus on Modern Application 'use of spies' in the book of Art of War by Sun Tzu (북한의 WMD 위협 극복을 위한 인간정보 운용방안 : 손자병법 '용간편' 현대적 적용을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Jong Ho;Kim, Yeon Jun
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.135-144
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    • 2019
  • Recently, the Kim Jong Eun regime announced the completion of nuclear armed forces, and has been holding a summit meeting between the ROK and the US administration to promote the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula by the complete dismissal of the North Korean nuclear weapons toward the international community and the Republic of Korea. North Korea's Kim Jong Eun declares complete denuclearization, but in order to complete the real denuclearization of the Korean peninsula we seek, we need more practical preparation and preparation. In modern international society, the jungle law logic is applied precisely. A country that is not prepared cannot exist in history unless it believes only the good will of the other party and makes substantial preparations. Therefore, the top priority for us to prepare at this point is to obtain and manage complete information on the reality of North Korea's weapons of mass destruction. In particular, the weapons of mass destruction possessed by North Korea must be identified early on, and preparations for such weapons are essential, due to the seriousness of the damage. Therefore, this study complements the inherent limitations of modernized technology information in order to obtain accurate information on North Korea's threat of weapons of mass destruction, which is a serious issue directly linked to the survival of the Korean people and the state, And the operation plan was specified.