• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.2
• /
• pp.87-130
• /
• 2019

This paper aims to analyze the recent progress(current situation) and tasks of arms control in North and South Korea. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; recent progress(current situation) of arms control in South and North Korea; constraints and tasks of arms control on the Korean peninsula; and conclusion. One of the most important tasks for the establishment of a peace structure for the coexistence of the Korean people in the 21st century is the realization of military control in order to resolve the acute military confrontation situation and mutual threats. With the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, the North-South summit and the subsequent talks for peace and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korea-US summit, and subsequent talks are creating conditions for trust building and arms control between the two Koreas. The military trust between the two Koreas and operational arms control are being achieved through the declaration of the April 27 Panmunjom and the 'Military Agreement for the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration.' However, since there are constraints on the control of arms control, such as the persistence of hostility and distrust of the two Koreas, the defense treaty between the two Koreas and neighboring countries, the competition of neighboring countries and the complex interests of the Korean peninsula, Trust Building is important. We should resolve the issue of arms control between the two Koreas, taking into account the trend of international arms control over the internal and external dynamics of the Korean peninsula gradually and carefully, with a vision of long-term unification security.

• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.19 no.2
• /
• pp.147-156
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study is provide appropriate arms control measures between South and North Koreas by comparing and analyzing the former proposals and agreements in the past and the current Moon Government's approach representing the 9.19 military agreement. For this, I established the most appropriate framework for analysis through comparing and analyzing the arms control theories. The policies of the past governments and of the current Moon Jae-in government are analyzed. The most highlighted characteristic was that the arms control policies were projected by not from the military confidence, but political confidence building measures or both concurrently. In conclusion, I suggested the strategies of projecting confidence building measures and arms control or disarmament in the process of projecting the peace settlement. Nonetheless, the most important point is that the policies of arms control and unification should be pushed ahead complementally.

• Defense and Technology
• /
• no.7 s.149
• /
• pp.20-29
• /
• 1991

주요한 화력 및 기동장비의 양적 통제에 양측이 합의하더라도 과거 40여년간 누적된 상호불신으로 인해 군사력감축은 장기간에 걸쳐 점진적으로 단계적으로 추진되지 않을수 없을 것이다. 그러나 더욱 중요한 사실은 남북한의 군비통제합의가 곧 정치적 화해와 진정한 협력을 의미하지 않는다는 점이다. 이와 같이 진정한 화해와 협력이 정착되지 않는한 양적인 군비통제하에서도 남북한간에는 정치 및 군사적 경쟁이 지속될 것이며, 첨단기술을 활용한 군사장비의 질적 개선경쟁이 심화될 것이다

• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.15 no.6_1
• /
• pp.79-92
• /
• 2015

It is required to expand area of inter-Korean economic cooperation, being limited to non-military field, to military field and then, to positively promote arms control in order to establish foundation for peaceful reunification in Korean peninsula. Reasons why arms control has not been promoted between South and North Korea in the meantime were such original factors as follows; (1) limit of confidence building between the South and the North, (2) functional limit of arms control itself, (3) institutional structural limit between the South and the North, (4) environmental limit at home and abroad. It is necessary to get out from existing frame and to seek a new paradigm in order to overcome above factors and to realize arms control between the South and the North. First, it is required to have prior political dialog at the South-North high-level talks in order to promote arms control and to exercise 'strategic flexibility' during negotiation and promotion process. For this, 'flexible reciprocity' has to be adopted in compliance with situation and conditions. Second, it is necessary to get out from existing principle of 'confidence building in advance and arms reduction later' but to seek the 'simultaneous driving principle of confidence building and arms reduction' as an eclectic approach. Namely, based on reasonable sufficiency, it is required to promote military confidence building and limited arms reduction in parallel, which is a lower level of arms control. Third, as an advisory body of Prime Minister's Office, it is necessary to install an organization exclusively responsible for arms control and to positively handle arms control issue from the standpoint of national policy strategy. If the South-North high-level talks take place, it is necessary to organize and operate 'South-North Joint Arms Control Promotion Board (tentative name)'. Fourth, it is required to exercise more active diplomatic competence in order to create national consensus on necessity of arms control for peaceful reunification and to form more favorable international environment. Especially, it is necessary to think about how to solve nuclear issue of North Korea together in collaboration with international society and how to maintain balance between ROK-US alliance and Sino-Korean cooperation relations.

• Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
• /
• v.14 no.2
• /
• pp.15-28
• /
• 1988

• Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
• /
• v.16 no.1
• /
• pp.11-17
• /
• 1990

• Defense and Technology
• /
• no.1 s.179
• /
• pp.22-37
• /
• 1994

이글은 Maryland대학의 George H. Quester 교수가 제7회 화랑대 국제학술 심포지엄에서 발표한 기조연설 내용이다. 세계의 군사적 동향, 특히 탈 냉전이후 아시아 지역의 국지분쟁 가능성 증대에 따른 각 국의 군비경쟁을 객관적 시각에서 심도있게 다뤄 주목을 받았다.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
• /
• v.26 no.2
• /
• pp.203-237
• /
• 2011

Since USSR successfully launched its satellite "Sputnik"in 1957, many countries including US and USSR began military use of space, and engaged in arms race in space, which is against spirit and ideals of peaceful use of space as common heritage of mankind stipulated in many treaties such as Outer Space Treaty. With worsening Cold War between East and Western Bloc, this military use of space and arms race in space has been intensifying. Regarding the ideals of peaceful use of space, it is interpreted that military use of space is possible unless it does not have the purpose of aggression. The military use of space may have diverse forms such as attacking satellites in space, or attacking from satellites, making use of present and future technologies available which should include the use of nuclear and kinetic/hyper-speed weapons, laser, particle beams, near explosion, disturbance weapons in different directions (i.e., surface to space, space to space, and space to surface). Arms control is being implemented by the efforts of many countries in different formalities including legislature of international treaties under the auspices of UNCOPUOS and prohibition of weapons of mass destruction. Taking outstanding examples aiming at arms control by international community, there are confidence building measures (CBM), strengthening implementation of existing treaties, partial ban of nuclear tests, countryand regional approach, comprehensive approach and measures having legally binding force. While U.S. has surpassed other countries concerned in the area of military useof space, it withdrew from OST in early 2000s, thereby raising concern of international community. It requires concerted efforts of cooperationand implementation by international society to make sure peace of mankind and environmental conservation through arms control in space. Observing de facto possession of nuclear weapons by North Korea following series of nuclear tests and launching satellites, and efforts of launching rockets by South Korea, it is strongly needed for both countries to take part in arms control efforts by international community.

• Defense and Technology
• /
• no.12 s.154
• /
• pp.52-55
• /
• 1991

세계 방산시장에서는 고도의 과학기술전에 맞는 첨단 정밀과학기술 무기의 수요가 늘고, 방어전력 유지에 필요한 자원절약형 기술 중심의 무기가 요구될 것입니다. 아울러 군비통제의 확산으로 기존 방산시장의 축소는 물론 방산시장의 확보를 위한 각국의 경쟁은 더한층 치열해 질 것으로 예측됩니다.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
• /
• v.33 no.2
• /
• pp.443-469
• /
• 2018

In the sixty year since the first launch of Sputnik 1, it has become impossible to consider economic, political, or scientific human life in the communication field without reference to outer space. But, there is a growing groundswell of public opinion aimed at preventing arms race in space. Therefore it is necessary to establish some institution or mechanism such a code of conduct, international law. But every nation has a different posture on the grounds of national interest, or different levels of space development, the conditions required for the successful negotiation of a comprehensive treaty are not yet ripe. It is hoped that by beginning with soft measures (TCBM, Code of Conduct) for which it is easier to secure voluntary participation it may be possible to build up to a comprehensive treaty. The participation of the Space powers (US, Russia, China) in a dialogue of mutual exchange and shared information would contribute to international peace and give a long term benefit to humankind. It is also necessary to promote partnership through regional and bilateral cooperation. We should guide and shape opinion so that more nations ratify and sign existing international legal covenants in order to contribute to the efficency of Space law. International law needs to enforce PAROS and Space Security.