• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2002.05b
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• pp.63-70
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• 2002

This paper is to illuminate the dynamic relationship between the technological learning mechanism and international political intervention. Besides conventional techno-economic factors, international political factors are emphasized as external factors in the technological learning mechanism. Being influenced by international political intervention, the evolutionary path of technological capabilities is not incrementally cumulated and organizational process is not autonomously performed, either. In order to mitigate the impact of the international political intervention, DCs make efforts to develop technological capabilities step-by-step in line with current and future civilian industrial demand.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.221-244
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• 2019

This paper attempts to analyze the role of Nigeria's current President Major (Rtd) Mahammudu Buhari and the immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan in dealing with the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria. Nigeria has not been without its fair share of conflict. In fact, no decade of post-Independent Nigeria has been conflict free. With several coups, general strikes and a civil war, Nigerians have had to experience some of the most sordid tragedies arising from difference of opinions and distrust. It is interesting to mention that the conflict in Nigeria has not received the needed attention as it were. The leadership of Goodluck Jonathan did not receive the same effort and cooperation as compared to Muhammadu Buhari who came into office in May 2015. This paper argues the important roles played by the two Nigerian leaders which either aided or prevented collaboration. Goodluck Jonathan was perceived as a weak and indecisive leader whose leadership failed to effectively handle the Boko Haram insurgency. Muhammadu Buhari assumed office with a lot of high hopes and expectations from the Nigerian population and the international community to tackle the Boko Haram insurgency.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environment & Energy
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.30-43
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• 2003

The geography, circulation pattern, and ecology show that the semi-closed seas of Northwest Pacific be managed as one complete system. Ongoing multilateral cooperative efforts relevant to marine environmental protection in the Northwest Pacific area, include the Working Group for the Western Pacific (WESTPAC) established under the auspices of WNESCO's Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commissions, the UNDP/GEF Programme on Prevention and Management of Marine Pollution in East Asian Seas (PEMSEA), the North Pacific Marine Science Organization(PICES), and the United Nations Environment Programme(WNEP)'s Northwest Pacific Action Plan(NOWPAP). The present report firstly describes the current situations on the existing regional cooperative regimes for marine environmental conservation in the Northwest Pacific region, with a special respect to the Northwest Pacific Action Plan(NOWPAP) which was adopted in 1994 by Japan, People's Republic of China, Republic of Korea and Russian Federation. Then, problems of the existing regimes are also discussed, together with the suggestion of the possible solutions, focusing on NOWPAP. Suggestions include: 1) the Northeast Asian countries should understand the importance of legally-binding regional convention, and should build up any legally-binding instrument which can function as a big umbrella for real regional cooperation without prejudice to the rights of the States, 2) At present stage, it will be possible to make a regional convention flexible without prejudice to the sovereign right of the States or territorial issues; 3) taking into account that the region often faces many generic political problems that often inhibit the effective collective actions on environmental issues, the leadership from UNEP or other international organizations is required; 4) strong institutional and financial framework should be made, and 5) multilateral efforts to respond to the new marine environmental threats should be taken at the regional level in order to protect the coastal and marine environments in the Northwest Pacific.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.161-168
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• 2023

Recently, China-Taiwan relations are facing a crisis, and at the same time, the U.S.-China relationship and the structure of Northeast Asia are greatly shaken, so we should pay attention to changes in cross-strait relations. This study aims to predict how cross-strait relations will change after the party convention by analyzing Xi Jinping's Taiwan policy, focusing on the "Political Report" of the 20th party convention and the content analysis of leadership personnel. The results of the study are as follows. First, as the amendment to the party constitution announced after the closing of the party convention stipulates the possibility of armed invasion, Xi Jinping will implement a tough Taiwan policy emphasizing unification. Second, strategic competition with the United States will continue to intensify in the future when analyzing the contents of Chapters 2, 11, 13, and 14 of the "Political Reporting" and the personnel management of diplomatic and security leadership. As a result, cross-strait relations are expected to show instability for a considerable period of time. Third, at a time when Taiwan rejects the unification plan of "one country, two systems" and the tendency to de-Chineseize is strengthening, there is a possibility that legislation or specific enforcement ordinances will be enacted to strengthen the existing "Anti-Secession Law." Fourth, it is expected that strong and warm two-sided strategies will be used together, such as taking a strong response to external forces interfering with the Taiwan issue and Taiwan independence forces, and using incentives for the Kuomintang(KMT) and Taiwanese who are friendly to unification.

• 재활복지
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.1-30
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• 2018

This paper attempts to explore the place of human and disability rights from the perspective of Social Welfare within the context of the UN Disability Rights Convention of 2006. The overall discussion is focused especially upon the situations of human and disability rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) as it is being challenged to drastically address the issues of human rights in general, and disability rights in particular. The UN Disability Rights Convention challenges every ratified State party to commence legal reforms, legal harmonization, and policy and program developments to implement the Convention. Both North and South Korea are not exceptions to this. Even without drawing upon the UN's the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the dire situation of human rights in North Korea is well documented. However, this paper does not assume South Korea's human rights are any way superior to that of North Korea. This paper spells out areas for further action common to two Koreas and to any other nations for that matter. Apart from the general discussion on disability rights, the distinctive contribution of this paper lies in the fact that it has endeavored to draw upon any latest information and data on North Korea. It relied on various sources from UN and also from North Korea itself. One can note that North Korean disability authorities are making strenuous efforts to improve human rights of persons with disabilities in their desires to seek assistance from outside. It also shows an enormous need for international cooperation in seeking financial and material supports. This paper notes the latest political development between North and South Korea in taking "phased" steps for peace and stability as a positive sign for North and South Koreans' DPOs collaboration under the banner of International Cooperation of the article 32 of the UN Disability Rights Convention. More critically, this paper points to the further need to improve the overall data bases to ensure balanced legal reforms, policy developments and sharpen the areas of international collaboration.