• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.21-42
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• 2023

Objective: To understand the contents and effects of public diplomacy by leaders, this paper throws out two questions: "To draw cooperation and support of international society in the middle of national crises, with what content do leaders conduct public diplomacy?" and "Through what mechanism, does leaders' public diplomacy promote cooperation and support of other countries?" Methods: To answer the research questions, this paper conducts a single case study with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's public diplomacy in the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022. More specifically, the author collects text from Zelesky's Twitter and analyzes it in a descriptive manner. Results: When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, President Zelensky proactively utilized his SNS to communicate with people in other countries and thereby achieved the desired effect of public diplomacy. He has been delivering messages of 'appreciation of cooperation and support', 'situation of Ukraine', and 'congratulations or condolences', which could augment support, credibility, and audience cost. Conclusion: The effects of public diplomacy led to enhanced cooperation by alleviating problems within international cooperation and support. However, in the case of Ukraine, the patron's dilemma and commitment problem lasted, from which conducting public diplomacy has not been proven to be enough. The result of this paper provides lessons for the public diplomacy of the Republic of Korea in times of national crises in the future. In this regard, leaders should make efforts to promote the effectiveness of public diplomacy even in times of peace.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.83-93
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• 2024

As the paradigm of the global defense industry changes due to the Russia-Ukraine war, Korea's cutting-edge conventional weapons systems are attracting attention from around the world. In 2023, Korea ranked 9th in world arms exports, and is pursuing innovation in the defense industry with the goal of becoming the world's 4th largest defense exporter by 2027. The defense industry is a national strategic industry that requires a long period of time and a large budget, and defense technology is a core technology that has a great impact on the advancement of defense and the national economy. Over the past five years, Korea has suffered economic losses worth approximately 25 trillion won due to the outflow of cutting-edge technology overseas, and there is an urgent need for institutional improvement to prevent the outflow of defense technology. Therefore, this study presented Korea's defense industry development strategy by examining the laws and systems that the three key players in the Indo-Pacific region, the United States, China, and Japan, are promoting to protect defense industry technology. To foster the defense industry as a promising future industry in Korea, it is necessary to respond to the fast-evolving pace of development of advanced science and technology in connection with securing technological sovereignty and protect defense technology, which is a key technology of the country, by improving related laws and systems.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.167-172
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• 2024

In major wars of the 21st century, drones are expanding beyond surveillance and reconnaissance to include land and air as well as sea and underwater for purposes such as precision strikes, suicide attacks, and cognitive warfare. These drones will perform multi-domain operations, and to this end, they will continue to develop by improving the level of autonomy and strengthening scalability based on the High-Low Mix concept. Recently, drones have been used as a major means in major wars around the world, and there seems to be a good chance that they will evolve into game changers in the future. North Korea has also been making significant efforts to operate reconnaissance and attack drones for a long time. North Korea has recently continued to engage in provocations using drones, and its capabilities are gradually becoming more sophisticated. In addition, with the recent emergence of new strategic Drones, wartime and peacetime threats such as North Korea's use of these to secure surveillance, reconnaissance and early warning capabilities against South Korea and new types of provocations are expected to be strengthened. Through this study, we hope to provide implications by analyzing the capabilities of North Korea's strategic Drones, predicting their operation patterns, and conducting active follow-up research on the establishment of a comprehensive strategy, such as our military's drone deployment and counter-drone system solutions.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.61-67
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• 2024

Soldiers serving in military units and institutions are subject to strict security policies and technologies because they handle sensitive and confidential information related to national security, so they are likely to experience security stress. The purpose of this study is to recognize the need to manage the security stress of military personnel and to suggest management measures. To this end, a literature study was conducted on 12 KCI(Korean Journal Citation Index) journals dealing with security stress. Since 2016, research on security stress has been conducted mainly through empirical analysis through surveys. Studies related to security stress were divided into studies dealing with factors that affect stress, the relationship between security stress and security compliance intentions, and factors that reduce security stress. In particular, it was confirmed that factors such as organizational justice, organizational technical support, and security feedback can alleviate security stress. Next, by applying the results of this literature study to the defense security environment, we presented security stress management measures for military personnel in terms of improving security-related organizational justice awareness, technical support, and security feedback. The significance of this study is that we recognized the need to manage military personnel's security stress and reviewed practical measures related to this.

• Maritime Security
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.41-71
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• 2024

In international armed conflict, 'the contraband of war' under 'the law of neutrality' was developed to balance the interests of belligerents' belligerent rights and neutrals' economic interests and it began to change and evolve with the development of trade in the 19th century. The scope of material control expanded during the First and Second World Wars and continues to this day. In particular, a trend toward preventing the military use of 'conditional contraband' that could be used for both military and civilian purposes. In the process, the law regulating contraband of war expanded conceptually to become an 'international export control system' led by international organizations. Today, the contraband of war is still in effect, but there are no laws or guidelines related to the contraband of war in Korea in case of an emergency for the Korean Peninsula. Considering that it is an international practice to create and publicize a list of the contraband of war, it is necessary for Korea to prepare for it. Therefore, this paper examines the historical origins and development of the law regulating of war under the law of neutrality and examines the state practice of the contraband of war control over time. In doing so, this paper will examine the implications of the law regulating contraband of war for the Korean Peninsula through changing in the law regulating contraband of war and state practice.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.273-302
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• 2015

The term "peaceful uses of outer space" in the 1967 Outer Space Treaty appears in official government statements and multilateral outer space related treaties. However, the examination of the state practice leads to the conclusion that this term is still without an authoritative definition. As far as the meaning of 'peaceful use' in international law is concerned the same phrases in the UN Charter, the 1963 Treaty of Banning Nuclear Weapons Tests in the Atmosphere in Outer Space and Under Water, the 1956 Statute of IAEA, the 1959 Antarctic Treaty, the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the 1972 United Nations Conference of the Human Environment were analysed As far as the meaning of 'peaceful uses of outer space' is concerned the same phrases the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, the 1979 Moon Treaty and the 1977 Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques(ENMOD) were studied. According to Article IV of the 1967 Outer Space treaty, states shall not place in orbit around the earth any objects carrying nuclear weapons or any other kind of weapons of mass destruction, install such weapons on celestial bodies, or station such weapons in outer space in any other manner. The 1979 Agreement Governing the Activities of States on the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies repeats in Article III much of the Outer Space Treaty. This article prohibits the threat or use of force or any other hostile act on the moon and the use of the moon to commit such an act in relation to the earth or to space objects. This adds IN principle nothing to the provisions of the Outer Space Treaty relating to military space activities. The 1977 ENMOD refers to peaceful purposes in the preamble and in Article III. As far as the UN Resolutions are concerned, the 1963 Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exp1oration and Use of Outer Space, the 1992 Principles Relevant to the Use of Nuclear Power Sources in Outer Space(NPS) were studied. And as far the Soft Laws are concerned the 2008 Draft Treaty on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapon in Outer Space and of the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects(PPWT), the 2002 Hague Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile Prolifiration(HCoC) and 2012 Draft International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities(ICoC) were studied.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.24
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• pp.91-123
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• 2010

The threat factors available for occurrence given G20 Summit Meeting are expected leader terrorism, hostage terrorism, bomb terrorism, public facilities terrorism, and aircraft terrorism. As for the threat groups, which are expected in Korea, the North Korea, Islam extremist group, and the group such as NGO organization of being opposed to international meeting are regarded as having possibility of causing hazard. Thus, the purpose of this study is to suggest VIP Security-measure plans in the main site in preparation for G20 Summit Meeting. Accordingly, each country in the world is adopting 'the principle of Triple Ring' in common. Thus, it elicited a coping plan by 1st line(inner ring) 2nd line(middle ring) 3rd line(outer ring) based on this principle, and proposed even an opinion together that will need to be reflected in light of policy for the VIP security measures. In conclusion, as for the VIP Security-measure plans in the main site in preparation for G20 Summit Meeting, In the inner ring(safety sector), first, an intercepting measure needs to be devised for a spot of getting into and out of vehicles given the Straight Street. Second, the Walking Formation needs to be reinforced boldly in the exposed area. In the middle ring(security sector), first, the control plan needs to be devised by considering particularity of the main site. Second, there is necessity for adopting the efficient security badge operation plan that is included RFID function within security badge. In the outer ring(aid protective sector), first, there is necessity of preparing for several VIP terrorisms, of collecting information and intelligence, and of reinforcing the information collection system against terrorism under the cooperation with the overseas information agency. Second, the urgent measure training in time of emergency needs to be carried out toward security agent event manpower. Third, to maintain the certain pace in VIP motorcade, the efficient traffic control system needs to be operated. Finally, as for what will need to be reflected in light of policy for VIP security measures, first, there is necessity for allowing VIP residence to be efficiently dispersed to be distributed and controlled. Second, there is necessity for allowing impure element to misjudge or attack to be failed by utilizing diverse deception operations. Third, according to the reorganization in North Korea's Organization of the South Directed Operations, the powerful 'military-support measure' needs to be driven from this G20 Summit Meeting. For this, the necessity was proposed for further reinforcing the front back defense posture under the supervision of the Ministry of National Defense and for positively coping even with detecting and removing poison in preparation for CBR (chemical, biological, and radio-logical) terrorism.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.63-88
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• 2019

The goal of this paper is to investigate changes in North Korea's domestic and foreign policies through automated text analysis over North Korea represented in South Korean mass media. Based on that data, we then analyze the status of text mining research, using a text mining technique to find the topics, methods, and trends of text mining research. We also investigate the characteristics and method of analysis of the text mining techniques, confirmed by analysis of the data. In this study, R program was used to apply the text mining technique. R program is free software for statistical computing and graphics. Also, Text mining methods allow to highlight the most frequently used keywords in a paragraph of texts. One can create a word cloud, also referred as text cloud or tag cloud. This study proposes a procedure to find meaningful tendencies based on a combination of word cloud, and co-occurrence networks. This study aims to more objectively explore the images of North Korea represented in South Korean newspapers by quantitatively reviewing the patterns of language use related to North Korea from 2016. 11. 1 to 2019. 5. 23 newspaper big data. In this study, we divided into three periods considering recent inter - Korean relations. Before January 1, 2018, it was set as a Before Phase of Peace Building. From January 1, 2018 to February 24, 2019, we have set up a Peace Building Phase. The New Year's message of Kim Jong-un and the Olympics of Pyeong Chang formed an atmosphere of peace on the Korean peninsula. After the Hanoi Pease summit, the third period was the silence of the relationship between North Korea and the United States. Therefore, it was called Depression Phase of Peace Building. This study analyzes news articles related to North Korea of the Korea Press Foundation database(www.bigkinds.or.kr) through text mining, to investigate characteristics of the Kim Jong-un regime's South Korea policy and unification discourse. The main results of this study show that trends in the North Korean national policy agenda can be discovered based on clustering and visualization algorithms. In particular, it examines the changes in the international circumstances, domestic conflicts, the living conditions of North Korea, the South's Aid project for the North, the conflicts of the two Koreas, North Korean nuclear issue, and the North Korean refugee problem through the co-occurrence word analysis. It also offers an analysis of South Korean mentality toward North Korea in terms of the semantic prosody. In the Before Phase of Peace Building, the results of the analysis showed the order of 'Missiles', 'North Korea Nuclear', 'Diplomacy', 'Unification', and ' South-North Korean'. The results of Peace Building Phase are extracted the order of 'Panmunjom', 'Unification', 'North Korea Nuclear', 'Diplomacy', and 'Military'. The results of Depression Phase of Peace Building derived the order of 'North Korea Nuclear', 'North and South Korea', 'Missile', 'State Department', and 'International'. There are 16 words adopted in all three periods. The order is as follows: 'missile', 'North Korea Nuclear', 'Diplomacy', 'Unification', 'North and South Korea', 'Military', 'Kaesong Industrial Complex', 'Defense', 'Sanctions', 'Denuclearization', 'Peace', 'Exchange and Cooperation', and 'South Korea'. We expect that the results of this study will contribute to analyze the trends of news content of North Korea associated with North Korea's provocations. And future research on North Korean trends will be conducted based on the results of this study. We will continue to study the model development for North Korea risk measurement that can anticipate and respond to North Korea's behavior in advance. We expect that the text mining analysis method and the scientific data analysis technique will be applied to North Korea and unification research field. Through these academic studies, I hope to see a lot of studies that make important contributions to the nation.

• Maritime Security
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-53
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• 2022

One manifestation of the contemporary era of renewed great power competition has been the deepening relationship between China and Russia. Their strengthening military ties, notwithstanding their lack of a formal defense alliance, have been especially striking. Since China and Russia deploy two of the world's most powerful navies, their growing maritime cooperation has been one of the most significant international security developments of recent years. The Sino-Russian naval exercises, involving varying platforms and locations, have built on years of high-level personnel exchanges, large Russian weapons sales to China, the Sino-Russia Treaty of Friendship, and other forms of cooperation. Though the joint Sino-Russian naval drills began soon after Beijing and Moscow ended their Cold War confrontation, these exercises have become much more important during the last decade, essentially becoming a core pillar of their expanding defense partnership. China and Russia now conduct more naval exercises in more places and with more types of weapons systems than ever before. In the future, Chinese and Russian maritime drills will likely encompass new locations, capabilities, and partners-including possibly the Arctic, hypersonic delivery systems, and novel African, Asian, and Middle East partners-as well as continue such recent innovations as conducting joint naval patrols and combined arms maritime drills. China and Russia pursue several objectives through their bilateral naval cooperation. The Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation Between the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation lacks a mutual defense clause, but does provide for consultations about common threats. The naval exercises, which rehearse non-traditional along with traditional missions (e.g., counter-piracy and humanitarian relief as well as with high-end warfighting), provide a means to enhance their response to such mutual challenges through coordinated military activities. Though the exercises may not realize substantial interoperability gains regarding combat capabilities, the drills do highlight to foreign audiences the Sino-Russian capacity to project coordinated naval power globally. This messaging is important given the reliance of China and Russia on the world's oceans for trade and the two countries' maritime territorial disputes with other countries. The exercises can also improve their national military capabilities as well as help them learn more about the tactics, techniques, and procedures of each other. The rising Chinese Navy especially benefits from working with the Russian armed forces, which have more experience conducting maritime missions, particularly in combat operations involving multiple combat arms, than the People's Liberation Army (PLA). On the negative side, these exercises, by enhancing their combat capabilities, may make Chinese and Russian policymakers more willing to employ military force or run escalatory risks in confrontations with other states. All these impacts are amplified in Northeast Asia, where the Chinese and Russian navies conduct most of their joint exercises. Northeast Asia has become an area of intensifying maritime confrontations involving China and Russia against the United States and Japan, with South Korea situated uneasily between them. The growing ties between the Chinese and Russian navies have complicated South Korean-U.S. military planning, diverted resources from concentrating against North Korea, and worsened the regional security environment. Naval planners in the United States, South Korea, and Japan will increasingly need to consider scenarios involving both the Chinese and Russian navies. For example, South Korean and U.S. policymakers need to prepare for situations in which coordinated Chinese and Russian military aggression overtaxes the Pentagon, obligating the South Korean Navy to rapidly backfill for any U.S.-allied security gaps that arise on the Korean Peninsula. Potentially reinforcing Chinese and Russian naval support to North Korea in a maritime confrontation with South Korea and its allies would present another serious challenge. Building on the commitment of Japan and South Korea to strengthen security ties, future exercises involving Japan, South Korea, and the United States should expand to consider these potential contingencies.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.287-325
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• 2017

Considering the development of aerospace, military science and technology since the 20th century, the sky is very important for the nation's existence and prosperity. The proverb "Whosoever commands the space commands the world itself!" emphasizes the need for the command of the air. This essay is the first study on the status of airspace after reunification. First, the territorial airspace is over the territory and territorial sea, and its horizontal extent is determined by the territorial boundary lines. Acceptance of the present order is most reasonable, rather than attempting to reconfigure through historical truths about border issues, and it could be supported by neighboring countries in the reunification period. For peace in Northeast Asia, the reunified Korea needs to respect the existing border agreement between North Korea and China or Russia. However, the North Korean straight baselines established in the East Sea and the Yellow Sea should be discarded because they are not available under United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It is desirable for the reunified Korea to redefine the straight baselines that comply with international law and determine the territorial waters up to and including the 12-nautical mile outside it. Second, the Flight Information Region (hereinafter "FIR") is a region defined by the International Civil Aviation Organization (hereinafter "ICAO") in order to provide information necessary for the safe and efficient flight of aircraft and the search and rescue of aircraft. At present, Korea is divided into Incheon FIR which is under the jurisdiction of South Korea and Pyongyang FIR which is under the jurisdiction of North Korea. If North Korea can not temporarily exercise control of Pyongyang FIR due to a sudden change of circumstances, it is desirable for South Korea to exercise control of Pyongyang FIR, and if it is unavoidable, ICAO should temporarily exercise it. In reunified Korea, it is desirable to abolish Pyongyang FIR and integrate it into Incheon FIR with the approval of ICAO, considering systematic management and control of FIR, establishment of route, and efficiency of management. Third, the Air Defense Identification Zone (hereinafter "ADIZ") is a zone that requires easy identification, positioning, and control of aircraft for national security purposes, and is set up unilaterally by the country concerned. The US unilaterally established the Korea Air Defense Identification Area (KADIZ) by the Declaration of Commitment on March 22, 1951. The Ministry of Defense proclaimed a new KADIZ which extended to the area including IEODO on December 13, 2013. At present, North Korea's military warning zone is set only at maritime boundaries such as the East Sea and the Yellow Sea. But in view of its lack of function as ADIZ in relations with China and Russia, the reunified Korea has no obligation to succeed it. Since the depth of the Korean peninsula is short, it is necessary to set ADIZ boundary on the outskirts of the territorial airspace to achieve the original purpose of ADIZ. Therefore, KADIZ of the reunified Korea should be newly established by the boundary line that coincides with the Incheon FIR of the reunified Korea. However, if there is no buffer zone overlapping with or adjacent to the ADIZs of neighboring countries, military tensions may rise. Therefore, through bilateral negotiations for peace in Northeast Asia, a buffer zone is established between adjacent ADIZs.