• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.213-241
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• 2017

The systematic research on the Joseon history under Japanese imperialism in the 1920s, including that of the Joseon History Compilation Committee, was one of the stratagems that Japan employed to perpetuate the colonization of Joseon. The 'renovation of national traits', one of the three cultural measures taken by Japanese imperialism after the 1919 Independence Movement, was an attempt to degrade Joseon's nationality as extraneous, dependent, factional, and uncivilized. Against this, Koreans tried to create their own tradition that could prove Joseon's uniqueness and independence. The purpose of their study on ancient history, which became animated in the 1920s, was not to escape from the reality of Joseon into the idealized past, but to construct the history of Korean people anew. In this context, Dangun could refer to cultural identity as the communal origin of the nation, and this invented identity could lead to the healing of the injured subject. An Hwak's attempt was part of this efforts to call out myth as history. He suggests that Joseon's national traits are superior even to the Western civilization in several ways, and his vast plan to set up Joseon's cultural uniqueness and identity as history of universal civilization bore fruit in the History of Joseon Civilization. With cultural research for figuring out Joseon's national peculiarity and identity and historiography for revealing Joseon's national potential, he makes it possible for people to imagine various agents in the Joseon's past as belonging to a single nation with an identical history. Through his study on Joseon, he fought back the Japanese colonial view of history and tried to exalt national consciousness. Asserting independent and rational individuals as agency of civilization and culture though firm in the national perspective, he eventually went a way quite different from that of Japanese history of culture.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.225
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• pp.18-19
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• 1997

에드워드 사이드는 다문화주의를 통한 동서의 공존을 주창한다. 제국의 권력과 지배에 의해 주변문화로 밀려났던 고유문화들의 적당한 위치를 되찾자는 의미이다. 문화란 민족과 국가간의 이데올로기가 충돌하는 전장이 될 수도 있지만 동시에 상호이해 가능한 공존의 영역이 될 수도 있음을 이야기한다.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.4
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• pp.227-232
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to highlight nationalistic characteristics of private school's military gymnastic education in early modern Korea. so deal with the process of Military Gymnastics between 1895, when modern public school in Korea was first established, and 1910, when Korea was deprived of its sovereignty by japan. The following conclusions have been drawn from the study. The main idea of military style-gymnastics came from the consciousness of crisis caused by threat of the Japanese aggression. At that time, Korean realized the importance of physical education by this crisis consciousness. And Korean people was interested in physical education that they could not think of in traditional education. This Gymnastic class was much more like military training and has a patriotic character.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-13
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• 2001

This paper is to examine what implications the regionalism in Spain has for its national development during the last two centuries. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century the regionalism (including territorial nationalisms in periphery) has played a central role in the history of Spanish state-formation. On the one hand, a strong regional identity was related to a structural weakness affecting Spanish nation-building and accused of forging the separatist national movements in the Basque, Catatonia Galicia and so on. On the other hand, the regionalism has contributed to enforcing the Spanish national consciousness in complex and contradictory ways. Therefore, on the contrary to our common understandings of regionalism, the Spanish regionalism has both enforced and counteracted the Spanish nationalism. In the late 1970s after the collapse of Franco regime, the long history of the Spanish regionalism resulted in a state system based on the regional political decentralization.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.27-43
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• 2012

본 연구에서는 미얀마, 베트남, 일본에서 외부문명의 영향을 받은 것으로 여겨지는 정령숭배의 특징에 대하여 논하고자 한다. 우선, 각 국가의 전승을 비교해볼 때 정령숭배에 있어서 충격적인 상황 속에서 사망한 이들에 대한 신앙이 중요하다는 점을 지적하였다. 다음으로 정령의 형성에 있어서 정치적 역할이 개입되었다는 사실을 논하였다. 마지막으로 종교 혼합주의는 성(性, gender)과 관련되어 있음을 주장하였다.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.1
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• pp.143-161
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• 2012

The primary purpose of the present essay is to survey the relationship between Chaucer's fatherhood and English nationalism. Chaucer as a nationalist poet with essential Englishness is a product of the pre-modern nationalist project initiated between the late thirteenth century and early fourteenth century. In this period, as Turville-Petre regards, the English nationalist identity started to rise in language and literature. Thus this essay surveys the pre-modern nationalist discourse before Chaucer and how it influenced Chaucer to spawn his own nationalist discourse. The latter half of this project, as a reception study, surveys the nationalist receptions of Chaucer in the nineteenth century, when the connection between Chaucer studies and jingoistic nationalism was highly circumstantial. In terms of Chaucer's reception, the nineteenth-century was a crucial period: during this period the nationalist discourse and Chaucer studies firmly combined and Chaucer was envisaged as a boastful nationalist poet. The essay's discussion generally revolves around Chaucer's fatherhood and his exclusive Englishness; "Chaucer the father" is nationalist rhetoric which mediates thirteenth century post-colonialism and nineteenth-century colonialism.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.81-88
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• 2020

China, since the early days, according to their ideology, neighboring countries and their citizens were under their sphere of power. This means that only the Hanzu are real native Chinese and the other minor ethics groups are technically immigrants. The People's republic of china, part of the chinese communist party, has had rapid economic growth after Deng Xioping took over and implemented various expansionist policies and reforms, opening china to the world. Internally, the minority ethnic groups were forcibly relocated to specific regions, prohibited from using their native languages, and their culture was absorbed or incorporated into the Hanzu culture in an attempt to internally suppress or erase them. Externally, various projects such as the 'Xia-Shang-Zhou Chronology Project', 'Origins of Chinese Civilization Project', 'Northeast Project', 'Northwest Project', and the 'Southwest Project' were implemented to spread their culture and history to neighboring countries in an attempt to expand their territory. In addition, as capitalism spreads throughout china through reforms and its expansion, it has pioneered the one belt one road aiming to secure as safe transit and raw materials, expand their military facilities, and expand their export market. By doing so, China is infringing on other countries' politics, economy, and borders, and as a result there is a need for Korea to also reexamine its policies in all fields related to china such as politics, economy, history, and culture.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.29
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• pp.101-133
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• 2016

The term 'myth' is modern terminology. It was introduced to the East Asia from late 19th century to early 20th century. Under the rule of Japanese imperialism, some Japanese historians insisted that Dangun(檀君) has no relation with Kochoson(古朝鮮). Some Korean historians have refuted their conjecture. The arguments between Japanese and Korean historians bring about the motives of making the concept of Shinwa(神話) The purpose of this study is to investigate the historical procedures of making myth of Homogeneous Korean as a case study of "teaching religion". For the scholar the historic beginning is to be distinguished from later myths of origins. The scholars, particularly among the historians of China, Japan and Korea take it as the beginning of the history to investigate myths, for the ending parts of narratives are in themselves involved in a social constructs in order to give legitimacy to the story. It is apparent to satisfy for the current social demands of the nation-states building. It is also an act of casting and projecting their national values into the far distant past which is considered to be authentic and authorative. The western term 'myth' had been made up in Japanese historical context in order to build "nation-state concept". In Korea, the myth of homogeneous ethnicity of Koreans had been also reconstructed as modern myth during the late 19th and the early 20th century. We can call it the invention of the tradition accordingly.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.60 no.2
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• pp.315-338
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• 2014

In The Great Hunger (1942) Patrick Kavanagh opens an Irish postnationalist discourse. Taking advantage of historical revisionism and postcolonialism, he not only demystifies a romantic nationalist ideology rooted in rural Ireland but also searches for an autonomous literary tradition free of the Irish Literary Revival, supposedly an outcome of a colonial influence. As a farmer-poet, Kavanagh deconstructs in two ways myths of rural areas, to which the Revivalists aspire. Contrary to Revivalism, he reveals that rural Ireland is not an idealized place where national identity arises and individual spirits are restored. It is instead a cruel place where farmer Maguire, deprived of health, wealth, and love, is tortured by hard labor in the field, moral regulations imposed by the Church, and his mother's domestic authority, all of which leave him unmarried until age sixty-five. Kavanagh also challenges the Revivalist tradition, led by W. B. Yeats commonly referred to as the poet of the nation, by indicting its reliance on former colonial authority and its lack of a sense of communal autonomy, both of which are diagnosed as "provincialism" by Kavanagh. Given that modern Irish literature has been strongly colored as nationalistic during the course of anticolonial resistance, Kavanagh's critique of the Revival in The Great Hunger, whose proponents blindly beautify the lives of farmers, runs directly against the grain of the founding ideology of the Irish nation-state. His voice, like that of a whistle-blower, disclosing the harsh realities of rural Ireland, ushers in a "post"-nationalist perspective on nation and national myths in Irish poetics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.50-73
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• 2009

A tendency to ignore the existence of public space in Korea under the Japanese colonial period seems to be driven from nationalist historiography in which all historical events under the colonial power have to be interpreted in terms of militant controls and resistances against them. Historical approach to mass media of that period has lasted to be saturated with the tendency and forced history students to stick to the nationalist guidelines. Struggles against Japanese imperial power by national-capital-operated newspaper have been a main menu of studies on the period's communication. The media were often hailed as fighting the colonial power for nation's independence. The present thesis aims to criticize the nationalist point of view and to reveal that nationalist interpretations may miss a variety of historical information. Even under the severe surveillance of colonial police some journalists tried either to inform officially or to smuggle into informed groups. The colonized society could experienced fields of public-ness throughout the practices of such as media fields, cultural fields, political fields. Those fields, of course, didn't come from the graceful favor of the colonial power but from the construction of the colonized. The public-ness seemed to be born for the easiness of control, but became later a constructed field of public-ness with which the colonized semiotically wrestled the power and grew a modern type of political (un)consciousness. Depicting what happened just before 815 liberation day in Korea the present paper showed that the less nationalist historiography can render help to those seeking political practices of the colonized in a micro-level.