• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.347-370
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• 2017

동북아시아지역에서 집단안보와 관련된 지역협력체가 형성되기 어려운 이유에는 먼저 체제와 이념이 다른 국가들 사이에서의 강한 지정학적 역학관계가 작동하고 있고, 두 번째로 개별국가 내부의 사회이념과 정치체제의 차이로 인한 이질성이 매우 강하며, 세 번째로 새롭게 형성되고 있는 미-중 관계의 대립적 구도가 군사안보적인 차원에서의 과도한 경쟁관계를 유발하고 있는 동시에, 네번째로 북한의 지속적인 핵과 미사일위협이 지역을 넘어 범세계적인 위협요인으로 작용하고 있으며, 다섯 번째로 장기간 미해결상태에 있는 도서 분쟁이 항시 관련국가들 사이에서의 과도한 민족주의적 갈등을 유발시키고, 이로 인한 적대적인 갈등관계가 지속되고 있는 점 등을 동시대적인 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들로 규정해 볼 수 있다. 동시에 이런 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들의 근원적인 발생요인으로도 평가될 수 있으며, 특히 동북아 개별국가들이 내세우고 있는 강력한 민족주의 성향과 과거사와 연관된 역사인식에 따른 문화적 이질성의 내면에 존재하는 낭만적 민족주의요소가 동북아 개별국가들 간의 신뢰형성과정을 강력하게 가로막고 있음을 지적할 수 있다. 19세기말에 동북아에 유래된 낭만적 민족주의에 대한 비교국가 차원에서의 심도 있는 분석과 이를 통한 절충점의 발견은, 역설적이지만, 세계 어느 지역보다도 극심한 갈등과 대립국면이 심화된 동북아지역 내의 국가들이 군사안보 및 정치경제차원에서의 보다 원활한 협력관계를 도모하기 위한 첫 단계로서의 공동의 장을 마련할 수 있는 주요한 동기가 될 수 있다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.203-240
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• 2011

Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. Dasarism has two features; one is nationalism and the other is centrism. His nationalism recognizes national identity and national sovereignty as two faces of one coin and sublates nationalism and globalism. His centrism is thought to be a route to true democracy which can sublate liberalism and communism and a route to nation's sovereignty. However, his dasarism did not make any impact on political reality of that day. Its today's value must reside in its proposals to harmonize nation and world, and to protect the social weak, and to pursue a central route of reunification.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.146-160
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• 2009

Recent studies on development are increasingly focusing on analyzing development discourse and de constructing its institutionalization process in the nation-state. By pushing up the limit of the research on development, these studies particularly emphasize how development is articulated with the nation-state, its governmentality, and various representations. These studies overall consider development a powerful discourse, which invents under-development, mobilizes resources for changing particular space, and institutionalizes modem systems of socio-spatial control at a local scale. In this sense, it is particularly interesting to look at how the nation-state, faced with the deterritorialization of labor and capital, reterritorializes overseas resources and networks for the purpose of development. By problematizing the Overseas Koreans Foundation as a transnational state apparatus, this paper interrogates the way in which its institutionalized practices conjure up the national imagination, ethnic solidarity, and collective allegiance to the homeland in diaspora communities. This paper conclusively reports that the state apparatus circulates the discourse of transnational nationalism in Korean diaspora so as to appropriate their resources and networks for securing foreign currencies and investment in the homeland.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.45
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• pp.107-127
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• 2015

The Chinese urge for the imperial power is a major threat to the today's peaceful international order. Such arrogant and delusional goal could be the very critical obstacle against the Korean security and national interests due to the geographical proximity. Today, the interesting dynamic of Uyghur nationalism, Uyghur terrorism, and the oppressive Chinese state terrorism could provide an meaningful prediction for the situation that the Korean nation may face in the future. In this regard, the present paper describes the interaction between Uyghur nationalism, Uyghur terrorism, and the Chinese state terrorism. The today's terrorism is a multi-dimensional security matter in that national independence, political and economic discrimination, non-state terrorism, and the hegemony competition among superpowers are intricately interrelated. Uyghur terrorism and related matter tend to show the nature of today's terrorism as a multi-dimensional security matter.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.10
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• pp.53-61
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• 2006

Culture, consumers' value and attitude play an important role for global marketing strategy on cross-cultural perspectives. The aim of this research was to investigate how consumer ethnocentrism and cultural affinity affect psychic distance, country image and competitive brand choice. data were collected through personal interview. A total of 234 responses are put to final analysis. The results are as follows: First, cultural affinity play an important role for psychic distance and country image. Second, consumer ethnocentrism has directly affected country image and psychic distance. Finally, country image has affected competitive brand choice, but psychic distance doesn't have affected.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.223-254
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• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.185-211
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• 2017

Lee Neung Hwa is a scholar of the late Joseon Dynasty, renowned for his studies of Korean studies. In this thesis, the study of Confucianism and Buddhism removed the research and teachings of Confucianism as a traditional study of Confucianism. Lee Neung Hwa criticized the social functioning of Confucian texts during the late Joseon Dynasty. His criticisms reflect the historical consciousness of the late Joseon Dynasty. Lee Neung Hwa is also known as the Buddhist religion. The History of Chosun Buddhism is his masterpiece. He pointed out the differences between the Buddhist scriptures of the Joseon Dynasty and the Japanese Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, the Joseon Dynasty felt more integrated into the Japanese Buddhist kingdom than in Japan. And ineunghwa also studied the mythology of Korea. He established a universal cultural phenomenon as a universal cultural phenomenon, which belongs to any ethnic Koreans. He insisted that the Sin Gyo of Dan Gun is the identity of Korean culture. His Founding Myth was not a matter of historical fact. His Founding Myth was a tool of ideological struggle to fight against Japanese imperialism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.7-40
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• 2008

The aim of this study is to examine the role of publishing in emerging process of nationalism in modern Korea. In the process of coping with the imperialist invasion, the Korean nationalism had begun to emerge. With the Patriotic Enlightenment movement from 1905 till 1910, the publishing in Korea had become activated remarkably. With the books of enlightenment the Korean society could try to overcome the traditional China-centered world view and try to build up a new recognition of 'others'. In addition the books of enlightenment provided information on the various aspects of modern nationalism. And the republishing the Korean classical books seemed to have been very conducive to improve national self-esteem of Korea. The books on history contributed to building up new national identity which was an indispensable to the nationalism. The Korean history was reinvented from the nationalistic viewpoint. The biographies of historic heros presented some historic model of overcoming the national crisis. In conclusion the publishing in modern Korea played an important role in emerging process of the Korean nationalism.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.341-354
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• 2007

Since Goryo was established during the early tenth century, Koreans have believed that Goguryo, which ruled almost all of the Manchurian territory, was one of the Three Kingdoms of their ancestors. This Korean perspective conflicts with the Chinese perspective that Goguryo was a Chinese local government in Manchuria and the northen parts of Korean Peninsula. Modern Chinese people wish, by the measure of Manchurian Project, that the history of China includes the histories of all the ethnic groups in Manchurian territory. Although Chinese people attempt unreasonably to regard Goguryo as an old Chinese local government, it is not from the Korean nationalistic viewpoint but from the scientific historian viewpoint that this Chinese perspective should be criticised and corrected. We should remember that the nationalistic viewpoints in East Asia may hinder the establishment of mutual cooperation and security in the region.