• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.60 no.6
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• pp.653-662
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• 2006

Background: The changes in the pulmonary function observed in burn patients with an inhalation injury are probably the result of a combination of airway inflammation, chest wall and muscular abnormalities, and scar formation. In addition, it appears that prolonged ventilatory support and an episode of pneumonia contribute to the findings. This study investigated the changes in the pulmonary function in patients with inhalation injury at the early and late post-burn periods. Methods: From August 1, 2002, to August 30, 2005, surviving burn patients who had an inhalation injury were enrolled prospectively. An inhalation injury was identified by bronchoscopy within 48hours after admission. Spirometry was performed at the early phase during admission and the recovery phase after discharge, and the changes in the pulmonary function were compared. Results: 37 patients (M=28, F=9) with a total burn surface area (% TBSA), ranging from 0 to 18%, were included. The initial $PaO_2/$FiO_2$ratio and COHb were $286.4{\pm}129.6mmHg$ and $7.8{\pm}6.6%$. Nine cases (24.3%) underwent endotracheal intubation and 3 cases (8.1%) underwent mechanical ventilation. The initial X-ray findings revealed abnormalities in, 18 cases (48.6%) with 15 (83.3%) of these being completely resolved. However, 3 (16.7%) of these had residual sequela. The initial pulmonary function test, showed an obstructive pattern in 9 (24.3%) with 4 (44.4%) of these showing a positive bronchodilator response, A restrictive pattern was also observed in 9 (24.3%) patients. A lower DLco was observed in only 4 (17.4%) patients of which 23 had undergone DLco. In the follow-up study, an obstructive and restrictive pattern was observed in only one (2.7%) case each. All the decreased DLco returned to mormal. Conclusions: Most surviving burn patients with an inhalation injury but with a small burn size showed initial derangements in the pulmonary function test that was restored to a normal lung function during the follow up period.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.95-106
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• 1998

A study was made to estimate the economic level(Necon.) of mineral nitrogen and a cutting frequency for the dry matter production of reed canarygrass(Phalaris arundinacea L.) in uncultivated rice paddy during the harvested years in 1993~1995. Annual mineral nitrogen was applied at the levels of 0, 90, 180, 270 and 360 kg $ha^{-1}$ in 3 cuttings, 0, 120, 240, 360 and 480 kg $ha^{-1}$ in 4 cuttings, and 0, 150, 300, 450 and 600 kg $ha^{-1}$ in 5 cuttings, respectively. The results were summarized as follows; 1. The dry matter yields of all cutting frequencies in 1993 were significantly higher than in the other hay years. Mean dry matter yield were 14.40, 13.88 and 15.98 tons $ha^{-1}$ in 3, 4 and 5 cuttings, respectively. 2. Significantly higher matter yields were obtained as 15.37 and 15.80 tons $ha^{-1}$ at the level of 120 kg $ha^{-1}\;cut^{-1}$ in 3 and 4 cuttings, and 14.02~14.08 tons $ha^{-1}$ levels of 90~120 kg $ha^{-1}$ in 5 cuttings, respectively. 3. Higher efficiencies of dry matter production in response to mineral nitrogen application were recorded as 29.7 kg at level of 90 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 3 cuttings, 19.6 kg at level of 240 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 4 cuttings, and 20.1 kg at level of 150 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 5 cuttings, respectively. 4. Significantly higher matter yields appeared as 5.02 tons $ha^{-1}$ at 2nd cut in 3 cuttings, 3.94~4.37 tons $ha^{-1}$ at 2nd and 3rd cut in 4 cuttings, and 3.81~3.58 tons $ha^{-1}$ at 2nd and 3rd cut in 5 cuttings, respectively. 5. The highest values of relative dry matter yield were 40.4% for 2nd cut in 3 cuttings, 34.9% for 3rd cut in 4 cuttings, and 31.5% for 2nd cut in 5 cuttings, respectively. 6. The estimated marginal dry matter yields(Ymar.) were 13.8~14.7 tons $ha^{-1}$ at ranges of economic N level of 228.5~291.9 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 3 cuttings, 13.8~14.2 tons $ha^{-1}$ at ranges of 293.5~335.7 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 4 cuttings, and 12.2~12.8 tons $ha^{-1}$ at ranges of 237.5~302.5 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 5 cuttings, respectively. 7. Maximun dry matter yields(Ymax.) were 17.0 tons at the level of limiting N(Nmax.) of 558.9 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 3 cuttings, 16.1 ton at level of limiting N of 531.4 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 4 cuttings, and 13.9 ton at level of limiting N of 546.3 kg $ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$ in 5 cuttings, respectively. 8. Economic N level in all cuts were in the ranges of 42.6~123.8 kg $ha^{-1}$ in 3 cuttings, 27.3~144.1 kg $ha^{-1}$ in 4 cuttings, and 9.3~159.4 kg $ha^{-1}$ in 5 cuttings, respectively. 9. The proper cutting frequency for matter production of reed canarygrass was 3 cuttings during the h harvested years in 1993~1995, due mainly to the higher efficiency of N for the dry matter production.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.96-119
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• 2015

This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$ ${\acute{a}}ng$ style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2016

Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.200-211
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• 2022

The celadon stools with an openwork ring design which consist of four items as one collection were excavated from Gaeseong, Gyeonggi-do Province. The celadon stools were designated and managed as treasures due to their high arthistorical value in the form of demonstrating the excellence of celadon manufacturing techniques and the fanciful lifestyles during the Goryeo Dynasty. However, one of the items, which appeared to have been repaired and restored in the past, suffered a decline in aesthetic value due to the aging of the treatment materials and the lack of skill on the part of the conservator, raising the need for re-treatment as a result of structural instability. An examination of the conservation condition prior to conservation treatment found structural vulnerabilities because physical damage had been artificially inflicted throughout the area that was rendered defective at the time of manufacturing. The bonded surfaces for the cracked areas and detached fragments did not fit, and these areas and fragments had deteriorated because the adhesive trickled down onto the celadon surface or secondary contaminants, such as dust, were on the adhesive surface. The study identified the position, scope, and conditions of the bonded areas at the cracks UV rays and microscopy in order to investigate the condition of repair and restoration. By conducting Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy(FT-IR) and portable x-ray fluorescence spectroscopy on the materials used for the former conservation treatment, the study confirmed the use of cellulose resins and epoxy resins as adhesives. Furthermore, the analysis revealed the addition of gypsum(CaSO₄·2H₂O) and bone meal(Ca₁₀ (PO₄)₆(OH)₂) to the adhesive to increase the bonding strength of some of the bonded areas that sustained force. Based on the results of the investigation, the conservation treatment for the artifact would focus on completely dismantling the existing bonded areas and then consolidating vulnerable areas through bonding and restoration. After removing and dismantling the prior adhesive used, the celadon stool was separated into 6 large fragments including the top and bottom, the curved legs, and some of the ring design. After dismantling, the remaining adhesive and contaminants were chemically and physically removed, and a steam cleaner was used to clean the fractured surfaces to increase the bonding efficacy of the re-bonding. The bonding of the artifact involved applying the adhesive differently depending on the bonding area and size. The cyanoacrylate resin Loctite 401 was used on the bonding area that held the positions of the fragments, while the acrylic resin Paraloid B-72 20%(in xylene) was treated on cross sections for reversibility in the areas that provided structural stability before bonding the fragments using the epoxy resin Epo-tek 301-2. For areas that would sustain force, as in the top and bottom, kaolin was added to Epo-tek 301-2 in order to reinforce the bonding strength. For the missing parts of the ring design where a continuous pattern could be assumed, a frame was made using SN-sheets, and the ring design was then modeled and restored by connecting the damaged cross section with Wood epos. Other restoration areas that occurred during bonding were treated by being filled with Wood epos for aesthetic and structural stabilization. Restored and filled areas were color-matched to avoid the feeling of disharmony from differences of texture in case of exhibitions in the future. The investigation and treatment process involving a variety of scientific technology was systematically documented so as to be utilized as basic data for the conservation and maintenance.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.112-138
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• 2021

This paper mainly analyzes the records titled 'Shijujil(施主秩)' from the Bokjangs of each of the Rocana and Shakyamuni statues enshrined as wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triadcomposed of Vairocana(center), Rocana(right), and Shakyamuni(left) at the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple in Gurye. The Shijujil from the Shakyamuni statue was recovered through Bokjang investigation in September 2015 and has been kept in the museum of Hwaeomsa as an undisclosed relic. After the discovery of the Shijujil from the Rocana statue through an Bokjang investigation in July 2020, both of the Shijujils were only officially released through the special exhibition 'Grand Hwaeomsa Temple in Jirisan Mountain' in September 2021. Existing documents recording on the creation of Buddha statues in the 17th century are in the form of sheets or rolls. However, the Shijujils take the form of simple stitched booklets. The Shijujil from Rocana consists of 19 chapters and 38 pages in one book, and the Shijujil from Shakyamuni consists of 11 chapters and 22 pages in one book. The contents of the Shijujils consist of the purpose of the Buddha statue creation, the creation date, the year and place of enshrining, the names of the statues, the people in charge and their roles, the sculptors, the list of items donated, and the list of the contributors. In addition, the list of monks who were staying at Hwaeomsa Temple at that time are also recorded, so the Shijujil is like a time capsule that tells the situation of Hwaeomsa Temple about 400 years ago. According to the records of the Shijujils and the Writing on the wooden pedestal of Rocana, the Vairocana Triad began to be in March 1634(12th year of King Injo) and was completed in August of that year, and was enshrined in the Daeungjeon Hall in the fall of the following year. It is very important to confirm that the Vairocana Buddha Triad of Hwaeomsa was created in 1634. Since studies on the reconstruction of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century and the roles of Byeokam Gakseong have been mainly based on 『湖南道求禮縣智異山大華嚴寺事蹟』 written by monk Haean in 1636, it has been estimated that the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad was created in 1636. However, it is now known that the Virocana Buddha Triad was created in 1634. The Shijujils are also a good source of information about Byeokam Gakseong who played a pivotal roles in the reconstruction projects of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century. He played leading roles in rebuilding the East Five-story Stone Pagoda(1630), in creating the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad(1634), and in producing the Yeongsanhoe Gwaebul(1653, Hanging Scroll Painting depicting the Shakyamuni preaching). It is also very important that the Shijujils are records that can reveal the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and royal family of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni are the first documents ever discovered in which the names of royal family members, such as Uichanggun(Gwang Lee, son of King Seonjo), Ikseong Shin(son-in-law of King Seonjo), and Crown Prince Sohyeon(son of King Injo) are recorded in detail in relation to the production of Buddha statues. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni contain specific information about the production of the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad in the 17th century, such as the year of production of the Buddha statues, the role of Byeokam Gakseong, and the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and the royal family, so it is of great value not only for art history but also for historical studies of Hwaeomsa Temple.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.230-246
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• 2023

The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.

• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.56-78
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• 1998

Objective: Chronic hepatitis B infection (CHB) occurs in 6% to 10% of population in Korea. In ethinic communities where prevalence of chronic infection is high such as Korea, transmission of hepatitis B infection is either vertical (ie, by perinatal infection) or by close family contact (usually from mothers or siblings) during the first 5 years of life. The development of chronic hepatitis B infection is increasingly more common the earlier a person is exposed to the virus, particularly in fetal and neonatal life. And it progress to cirrhosis and hepatocellular carcinoma, especially in severe liver damage and perinatal infection. Histopathology of CHB is important when evaluating the final outcomes. A numerical scoring system which is a semiquantitatively assessed objective reproducible classification of chronic viral hepatitis, is a valuable tool for statistical analysis when predicting the outcome and evaluating antiviral and other therapies. In this study, a numerical scoring system (Ludwig system) was applied and compared with the conventional histological classification of De Groute. And the comparative analysis of cinical findings, family history, serology, and liver function test by histopathological findings in chronic hepatitis B of children was done. Methods: Ninety nine patients [mean age=9 years (range=17 months to 16 years)] with clinical, biochemical, serological and histological patterns of chronic HBV infection included in this study. Five of these children had hepatocelluar carcinoma. They were 83 male and 16 female children. They all underwent liver biopsies and histologic evaluation was performed by one pathologist. The biopsy specimens were classified, according to the standard criteria of De Groute as follows: normal, chronic lobular hepatitis (CLH), chronic persistent hepatitis (CPH), mild to severe chronic active hepatitis (CAH), or active cirrhosis, inactive cirrhosis, hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). And the biopsy specimens were also assessed and scored semiquantitatively by the numerical scoring Ludwig system. Serum HBsAg, anti-HBs, HBeAg, anti-HBe, anti-HBc (IgG, IgM), and HDV were measured by radioimunoassays. Results: Male predominated in a proportion of 5.2:1 for all patients. Of 99 patients, 2 cases had normal, 2 cases had CLH, 22 cases had CPH, 40 cases had mild CAH, 19 cases had moderate CAH, 1 case had severe CAH, 7 cases had active cirrhosis, 1 case had inactive cirrhosis, and 5 cases had HCC. The mean age, sex distribution, symptoms, signs, and family history did not differ statistically among the different histologic groups. The numerical scoring system was correlated well with the conventional histological classification. The histological activity evaluated by both the conventional classification and the scoring system was more severe as the levels of serum aminotransferases were higher. In contrast, the levels of serum aminotransferases were not useful for predicting the degree of histologic activity because of its wide range overlapping. When the histological activity was more severe and especially the cirrhosis more progressing, the prothrombin time was more prolonged. The histological severity was inversely related with the duration of seroconversion of HBeAg. Conclusions: The histological activity could not be accurately predicted by clinical and biochemical findings, but by the proper histological classification of the numerical scoring system for the biopsy specimen. The numerical scoring system was correlated well with the conventional histological classification, and it seems to be a valuable tool for the statistical analysis when predicting the outcome and evaluating effects of antiviral and other therapies in chronic hepatitis B in children.