• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.802-813
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• 2016

This study examined the Japanese and Chinese journalist's views on anti-Korean wave, who are the public and authoritative discourse producers in Japan and China, respectively. In so doing, the study aims to understand the ways in which the phenomena of anti-Korean wave take place and are diffused. According to the findings, anti-Korean wave in north-east Asia is affected by anti-Korea sentiments that have been induced from historical and political relations as well as cultural conflicts. In specific, the anti-Korea sentiments found in both Japan and China are geopolitical particularity and historical relations function to frame their cultural receptions of Korean pop culture. In other words, the phenomena of anti-Korean wave in both countries do not stem directly from local audiences' either discontents or apathy on Korean pop contents. However, while Japanese anti-Korean wave seems to be mere expressions of anti-Korea sentiments, Chinese sentiments of anti-Korean wave are triggered and transferred by, or articulated with their anti-Korea sentiments.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.5-28
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• 2010

The theoretical scope of the public sphere has been dramatically expanded as a result of new academic inquiries into the nature of the political and the public in contemporary societies. While appreciating the value of the concept of the public sphere for understanding democratic roles of the media, scholars began to raise questions on Habermasians' exclusive focus on news and public affairs programs, arguing that various entertainment programs also can invoke political deliberation. Terms like affective public sphere, emotional public sphere, aesthetic public sphere, expressive public sphere were used to capture this new conception. To comprehend the theoretical and practical implications of the conceptual expansion of the public sphere for media studies, this study attempted to provide a typology of media-public sphere relationships. By using public-private and rational-emotional axes as two criteria for classification, we created four prototypes of the public sphere (i.e., political public sphere, populism, difference pluralism, and intimacy/privacy) and discussed the characteristics of each type. After setting out media communication as a form of meta-public sphere that mediates and coordinates the four different types of the public sphere, we presented public service broadcasting as an exemplar meta-public sphere in the contemporary society of multiple social antagonisms and differences.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.12
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• pp.1-11
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• 2014

This article has reviewed some possible factors of priority setting in the government R&D investment, and also reviewed the roles of scientific community. Recently many development countries have planned more and more large-scale researches which require huge resources. Many large-scale researches have presented strikingly poor performance records in terms of efficiency. Nevertheless, more and more large-scale researches have been selected and executed. According to this article, some factors such as attracting attention of the media and the public, enhancing national prestige, raising the technological independence for economic growth were raised. As implications for policy, this article presented a necessity of strengthening the public control for priority setting of government R&D investment. And new procedures such as public discourse and National Assembly's in-depth deliberation were presented.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.59-85
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• 2014

This study aims to highlight the social aspects of genetic discrimination as another shadow that biotechnology can influence on social life. To do so, the definition of "genetic discrimination" and three perspectives (exceptionalism, expressivism, and human right discourse) were reviewed. In addition, the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act (GINA) of the United States and the Bioethics and Safety Act of Korea were analyzed. Several social implications for establishing the research and policies of genetic discrimination based on the existing research results of perceived genetic discrimination (the experiences, fears, and coping strategies of genetic discrimination) were suggested. These included public consensus on the definition of genetic discrimination and emphasis on a human rights approach against genetic discrimination; concerns regarding genetic discrimination in both the personal and public domains; raising the consciousness of both health care providers and the public regarding genetic discrimination; and developing psycho-social coping strategies for decreasing the fear of discrimination of asymptomatic people (hereditary carriers).

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.163-189
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• 2015

While Science tries to be far from Society, it actually does yearn for the trust from Society, on the other side. Its efforts getting back the trust has been witnessed with its fast evolution, consistent distrust from Society and Scientists' accountability with investment of public fund. Furthermore, many scholars have argued that there is the need to integrate science and society. In this regards, this paper explores how to integrate both spheres by participatory evaluation. To identify how the participatory evaluation works and should be, three main issues are mentioned. One is about evaluation methods; Objective-oriented and Behaviour aspects. Second is about prerequisite factors; sharing scientific language and changed recognition between civil society and scientists. Third is about challenge to be tackled; epistemological gap among evaluators and complex index. Under these issues, this paper sets out that the participatory evaluation should adopt the appropriate evaluation methodology. Last but not least, self-recognition and motivation by evaluators themselves are important factors, along with societal system which can take participatory evaluation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.12-24
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• 2017

This paper analyzed the representation of migrants in television with the example of KBS's My Neighbor, Charles. This primetime TV show with consistent popularity has showcased different types of migrants from other Korean television shows in terms of gender and race, and, partly the difference brought popularity to it. This study finds the major reason of the difference from changed migration patterns in Korea. Until recently, the main population of immigrants in Korea was composed of female brides and workers, but it became diversified to include male and the West migrants. This triggered the changes in media representation, but not thoroughly. Though the faces of migrant protagonists have been diversified, the remaining ideology of nation-centric that has been the main frame to regard migrants as someone to be integrated through traditional values persists. This study finds a few conflicts between the traditional and the change. For example, represented realities of migrants are extends to include their activities in public domain, disputes of multicultural society such as social differentiation and bias, and the criticism of Korean traditional culture. In a gender perspective, while all the marriages represented showed different kinds of vulnerability, discourses of traditional familialism were also clearly presented through different tools of representation. This study aims at contributing existing studies of media representations of migrants with a more complicated pictures in the context of social changes and migration population changes.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.181-203
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• 2011

Transformation towards multicultural society requires discussion on new concepts of citizenship which would overcome some limits of national citizenship developed on the basis of the nation-state. Citizenship can be defined as a relationship between individuals and their community, and conceptualized in a relation with identity. Citizenship also includes its spatial elements such as site and movement, place and public/private space, boundary and territory, flow and network, level and scale, etc. and in particular implies a multi-scalability of local, national, and global level. A new discussion on citizenship has emerged in Japan in shift to multicultural society, especially focusing on activities of local governments and grassroots social movements to support and ensure welfare services to and human rights of foreign immigrants in local communities, hence develops a concept of local citizenship. This concept seems to be highly significant for both foreign immigrants and Japanese dwellers for multicultural coexistence, but raises serious problems of separating local citizenship from formal national citizenship and from universal global citizenship. In order to resolve these problems, a new multiscalar concept of glocal citizenship which links interrelationally local, national and global citizenship. The concept of glocal citizenship is suggested to lead academically a new version of cosmopolitanism which embraces the universal and the particular in a dialectic manner, and to give strategically an alternative to multicultural coexistence policy and discourse and local citizenship discussion in Japan.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.9-32
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• 2015

The media, traditionally, serves to reinforce one's limited memory and transform those personal memories of society's members into collective memories. Notably, the mass media collects countless pieces of personalized memories for the creation of collective memories. Through the process of recollecting as well as recreating the past in the present, mass media exerts influence on the means the public appreciates and understands the history. Although numerous new medias like Internet overflows in today's society, television continues to stand firm as the salient means to construct the memories in daily lives. In this context, the research aims to analyze the televised news as the principal agent of memory producer to determine through which memories it recreates the $5{\cdot}18$ in today's media. The analysis of news values clarifies that every government placed distinctive news values on $5{\cdot}18$ within its historical context. Even so, such values were often fixed based on its relations to the existing political issues. Furthermore, through the discourse analysis, this research concludes that today's coverage of $5{\cdot}18$ is softening and becoming conventional.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.51-82
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• 2002

This paper focuses on the process of national family politics through the project of family planning which became one of the main factors that brought the structural change in Korean families after 1960's. The family planning was established under the national project which was tightly driven by the government, and the new families were built artificially and coercibly by the plan rationality. The various and diverse forms of the national family politics were revealed in the process of the project. For example, the image of the modern families was forcedly adopted in order to justify the project, the families in this period were under microscopic surveillance in order to accomplish th e project effectively , etc. Modern nuclear families were derived through the economical and social support on the families only with a few number of children, and the structural change was made through the medical technique and support. Consequently, during the forty years after the project, the size of the families were reduced drastically, various and diverse forms of families were generated, and the modern family action and value were wide spread and generalized. Through the project, the government has been establishing th family patterns and norms which were so suitable to the modernization project that the families were able to be pulled into public sphere. The family problems in this process became very serious. However the government repeatedly forced the families to be the reoresentative of welfare state through new-modern political discourses. The welfare through the family is coerced to replace the weakness of welfare state. However the family is not the subject of the welfare, but the object of the welfare. The governmental family politics must make more efforts to gave the families to be the object to the welfare.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.403-425
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• 2011

Canada became the first OECD/DAC member state that legislated the ODA Accountability Act in 2008, which prescribe Canada ODA policies to meet the guidelines and norms of international human rights while other OECD/DAC member states was just emphasizing the importance of abiding by the international human rights norms. Paying attention to the Canadian case, this article critically examines under what structural environments and process this Act was passed. This article argues that the legislation of the ODA Accountability Act is closely related with Canada's international position as middle power and diplomatic strategies. Bring up the human security issues as a niche market, Canada demonstrates the characteristics of middle power state by emphasizing human rights agenda as new foreign policy strategies. Reflecting on the negative outcomes from neoliberal aid policy of structural adjustment and promoting the new aid norms in post cold war era would also help foster the enabling environment for the value-oriented aid policies and enactment of the Accountability Act. Civil society organizations were also playing catalyst role in constructing Canada's state identity of human rights defender.