• The Science & Technology
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• v.33 no.11 s.378
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• pp.42-44
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• 2000

고려 말 공민왕 때의 백문보는 수치를 만들어 가뭄피해를 줄여야한다고 임금에게 상소한 대학자이다. 우리 역사상 최초로 수차의 중요성을 제창한 백문보는 중국에서는 수차를 보급하여 가뭄걱정을 않고 농사를 짓고 있는데 우리는 한길도 안되는 아래 웅덩이의 물을 이용할줄 모른다 한탄했다. 그러나 기술 부족, 지형적 특성 그리고 정책의 일관성 부족 등으로 수차가 널리 보급되지는 못했다. 임금 앞에서 강의도 했던 그는 단군의 기원을 분명하게 계산한 학자로 '홍건적의 난'때 불타버린 국사를 다시 편찬하는 대사에도 참여했다.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.65 no.6
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• pp.112-132
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• 2015

Banya was a concubine slave of Shindon(辛旽) who was a powerful monk in late Goryeo Dynasty, as well as the mother of King Woo(禑王), a successor of King Gongmin(恭愍王). This study was undertaken to investigate the sources of costume for Banya. The study focused on the features of Buddhist service costume, street wear, and daywear for common women's costume during the prime age of the Buddhist culture. The study looked into Buddhist paintings, old documents, advanced research, and relics. There are three characteristics of historically investigated Buddhist service costume for Banya: Dallyeongpo(團領袍), long Jeogori made with black Ra(羅), and Jeogori with a long scarf. Skirt, under Jeogori, under skirt, Cho, Ra(羅), Neung (綾), Dan(緞), patterned ramie(紋紵), and Tapja(塔子) were included in all Buddhist service costume. And, street wear consisted of Women's Dapho(婦人搭忽), long Jeogori, skirt, underwear and black Ra beil(蒙首). Daywear consisted of Banbi(半臂), long Jeogori, and skirt, underwear made with cheap fabric, Ju(綢), ramie, and imported cotton. Plumper hair, silver comb and Biyeo, lining of light pink-colored thin silk(小紅薄絹), bronze openworked ornament that fixed the outerwear's opening, bronze needle case, Sutra box and heated gemstone could be matched for the Buddhist service costume. Bronze and heated gemstone could be used for ornaments of street wear and daywear. The investigation of ornaments was carried on by referring to presentation of overseas collections. Considering the limitation of the study on Goryeo costume due to the lack of research material, future studies including much more relics in oversea collections needs to be undertaken.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.441-470
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• 2017

This paper deals with three issues related to influx and change of the Confucian Shrine Ritual Music. First, the musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom-wooden frame-form used in the current Confucian Shrine Ritual Music is not a form that came in when the Daesung-Aak of the Song Dynasty was introduced in 1116, but it is a Yuan Dynasty form brought from the Ming Dynasty, in the 19th year of King Kongmin. In the Song Dynasty of the Goryeo Yejong era, when Daesung-Aak came in, there was not yet 'Baeso', a musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom form, which first appeared in the Yuan Dynasty. A new musical instrument named 'Baeso' appears with the 'So' in the later period of King Gongmin, and it is very likely that this 'Baeso' is the musical instrument of the present Akhakgwebeom form. Second, although the form of the 'So' in the Joseon Dynasty recorded in the Akhakgwebeom was followed by the Chinese one, but the pitch and arrangement are the one of the pitch of '12 Yul and 4 Cheongseong' and the arrangement of the pitch from left to right. Third, in the 1930s, the whole form was the same as that of the Akhakgwebeom, but there existed two types, which several pipes stick together or pipes fall apart. But since then, as seen in the musical instrument located at Kyungpook National University Museum and in instruments currently used in Confucian Shrine Ritual Music, only musical instruments exist which pipes fall apart. It is unclear for what reason and to what extent the 'So' were so transformed, but it would be appropriate to re-establish the form of the 'So' in the musical and historical point of view.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.35-46
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• 2014

The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水)'. But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.7-19
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• 2014

The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水).' But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

• Bulletin of the Korean Space Science Society
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• 2009.10a
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• pp.31.1-31.1
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• 2009

일반적으로 한국에서 대통력은 고려시대 공민왕 19년(1370)부터 효종 3년(1652)까지 사용된 것으로 알려져 있다. 이는 "고려사"의 "홍무 3년의 대통력을 보내니$\cdots$"와 "증보문헌비고" 상위고의 "효종 4년(1653)에 비로소 시헌력법을 시행하였다"라는 기록에 근거한 것이다. 특히 "증보문헌비고"의 기록과 관련해서는 효종 4년부터 시헌력을 사용하였다는 주장과 효종 4년에 도입하여 5년(1654)부터 사용하였다는 엇갈린 주장들이 있다. 이 연구에서는 한국에서의 대통력 사용 시기를 검증하기 위해 대통력법에 의한 역일 계산 프로그램을 개발하고, 고문헌 및 현존하는 당시 역서들을 분석을 하였으며 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 대통력이 1370년부터 사용되었는지에 대해서는 제고의 여지가 있지만 적어도 1389년부터는 사용된 것으로 추정된다. 둘째, 조선시대에는 대통력이 효종 4년까지 사용되었고 시헌력은 효종 4년에 도입되어 효종 5년부터 시행되었음을 확인 할 수 있었다. 셋째, "정미년(1667)에 이르러 대통력법으로 고쳐 사용하다가 경술년(1670)부터 도로 시헌력을 사용하였다"라는 "조선왕조실록"의 기록(현종 12년 8월 8일)은 사실임을 검증 할 수 있었다. 관련하여 대통력법에 의하면 1669년에는 윤12월이 있지만 1670년에 다시 시헌력을 도입하게 됨으로써 실제로는 사용되지 않음을 알 수 있었다. 넷째, 선행 연구들에 일부 음력 초하루 일진의 오류가 있음을 발견하였다. 마지막으로, 당시 역서는 보름일자를 정할 때 한양의 일출입분 시각을 참고하였음을 확인 할 수 있었다. 이번 연구를 통해 문헌 기록과는 독립적으로 대통력법 시행기간의 각 달의 대소 및 음력 초하루의 일진, 매년의 각 절기 일자 및 시간, 윤달 등을 계산할 수 있게 되었으며, 이는 향후 조선시대 역서 연구에 많은 도움이 될 것으로 기대된다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.582-591
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• 2015

Late-Koryeo people networks were constructed from four different history books that were written by various historic aspects in the period from king Kongmin to the final king of the Koryeo, Kongyang. All networks constructed in this study show scale free network properties as if most social networks do. Tajo-sillok preface is one of subjectively written history book that described personal history of the Lee Seong-gye and his ancestors. It is confirmed that the book is one of the most biased-written history books through network study. Jeong Do-jeon known as a Chosun dynasty projector is not greatly contributed for founding of a Chosun dynasty in network study and various historical documents as well. In this network study, we provide objective historical information in the historical situations of the late-Koryeo and during establishment procedure of Chosun dynasty. Hub nodes in network is denoted highly linked nodes, called degree. Stress centrality is a unit to measure positional importancy in the network. If we employ two factors, degree and stress centrality to determine hub node, it represents high connectivity and importancy as well. As comparing values of the degree and stress centrality, we elucidate more objective historical facts from late-Koryeo situations in this study. If we further develop and employ a new algorithm that is considered both degree and stress centrality, it is a very useful tool for determining hub node.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.4
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• pp.66-77
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• 2016

This contribution studied constructional intentions, ideas, thought and aesthetic consciousness of Joseon Royal Tombs regarding its location, spatial organization and elements. A literature investigation and a field study have been carried out, and the royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty and the Shilla Dynasty also have been studied to look for the its origins. The outcomes are as follows. The tomb's system of Joseon Royal Tombs inherited the King Gongmin's Tomb of the Goryeo Dynasty of Buddhism, but they have their own characteristics in a spatial organization and elements involved in Confucianism, Taoism, not only Buddhism. In the aspect of location, Joseon Royal Tombs followed the Feng-shu geometric principle to find a land that have a mountain in the back, and a river in the front. Spatial plan was carried out with Confucianism to apply the order of rank. Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism are shown with the elements such as architecture, landscape architecture, stone objects, and historical forest being connected each other. Especially, constructional intentions, ideas, thought and aesthetic consciousness are connected with the people in Joseon Royal Tombs through the ritual ceremony of Confucianism.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.13-21
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• 2017

The Cho-yeon Pavilion located in the Wangdae village in Samcheong-ri, Songgwang-myeon, Suncheon-si, was transformed into a place of refuge, a shrine, a vacation home, a lecture hall for kings. Based on the change, the current study has explored the periodic changing placeness and the transformation of cultural landscape and has figured out the meaning. The result of this study is as follows. First, "Cho-yeon", named by Yeonjae Song, Byeong-Seon, originated from Tao Te Ching of Lao Tzu. The concept is found not only in the Cho-yeon Pavilion in Suncheon but also in various places, such as, the Cho-yeon-dae in Pocheon, of the Cho-yeon-dae in Gapyeong, of the Cho-yeon-dae of the embankment behind the Gioheon of Changdeok-gung Garden, Cho-Yeon-Mul-Oe old buildings, including Jung(亭), Dae(臺), Gak(閣), of Ockriukag in Yuseong, etc. This shows that taoistic Poongrhu was naturally grafted onto confucian places, which is one of the examples of the fusion of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. Second, the placeness of the Cho-yeon Pavilion area is related to a legend that King Gong-min sought refuge here at the end of the Koryo Dynasty. The legend is based on the Wangdae village(king's region), Yu-Gyeong(留京)(the place where kings stayed), rock inscription of Wang-Dae-Sa-Jeok, Oh-Jang-Dae (the place where admiral flags were planted), and the Mohusan Mountain. Third, the Cho-yeon Pavilion not only has a base(the vacation home) that reflects confucian values from the rock inscription(趙鎭忠別業, 趙秉翼, 宋秉璿) of the beautiful rock walls and torrents but also has territoriality as taoistic Abode of the Immortals (there are places where people believe taoist hermits with miraculous powers live within 1km of the pavillion: Wol-Cheong(月靑), Pung-Cheong(風靑), Su-Cheong(水靑), Dong-Cheon(洞天). The Cho-yeon Pavilion also reflects the heaven of Neo-Confucianism for, pursuing study, and improving aesthetic sense by expanding its outer area and establishing the nine Gok: Se-Rok-Gyo(洗鹿橋)., Bong-Il-Dae(捧日臺), Ja-Mi-Gu(紫薇鳩), Un-Mae-Dae(雲梅臺), Wa-Ryong-Chong(臥龍叢), Gwang-Seok-Dae(廣石臺), Eun-Seon-Gul(隱仙窟), Byeok-Ok-Dam(碧玉潭), and Wa-Seok-Po(臥石布). In sum, the Cho-yeon Pavilion is a complex cultural landscape. Fourth, the usage of the Cho-yeon Pavilion was expanded and transformed: (1)Buddhist monastery${\rightarrow}$(2)Confucian vacation home${\rightarrow}$(3)Vacation home+Taoistic Poongrhu Place${\rightarrow}$(4)Vacation Home+Taoistic Poongrhu Place+Lecture Hall(the heaven of Neo-Confucianism). To illustrate, in 7978, the place served as Buddist Monk Kwang-Sa's monastery; in 1863, Cho, Jin-Choong established a vacation home by building a shrine in front of the tomb of his ancestor; in 1864, Cho, Jae-Ho expanded its usage to a vacation home to serve ancestors as a taoistic place by repairing the pavilion with roof tiles; and after 1890, Cho, Jun-Sup received the name of the pavilion, Cho-yeon, from his teacher Song, Byeong-Seon, and used the Pavilion for a lecture hall.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.5-25
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• 2008

Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.