• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.164-171
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• 2005

The aim of this study was to evaluate the load of nutrient from paddy fields. Water management practices that can reduce eutrophication and meet water quality requirements will also be addressed. Continuous monitoring from May to September in 2002 and 2003 was conducted for water quantification and qualification at the intensive paddy fields in Icheon, Gyunggi province of Korea. Water balance and concentration variation of nitrogen and phosphorus in the water were independently compared for water quality assessment at each rice cultivation period. Rice land preparation and transplanting periods usually marked the highest water demand when compared to other periods of cultivation. Overall, a greater net irrigation ratio was observed during the transplanting period in 2002 (92.3%) and 2003 (87.2%). The measured total N loads of precipitation, irrigation, drainage, and percolation during the rice cultivation period were 9.9, 41.6, 22.1, and $5.5kg\;ha^{-1}$ for 2002 and 15.8, 55.4, 17.3, and $7.5kg\;ha^{-1}$ for 2003, respectively. The measured total P loads of precipitation, irrigation, drainage, and percolation during the rice cultivation period were 2.1, 13.0, 3.6, and $1.8kg\;ha^{-1}$ for 2002 and 1.6, 15.0, 5.0, and $1.2kg\;ha^{-1}$ for 2003, respectively. Daily nutrient load followed the pattern of surface drainage water, but this pattern was changed by rainfall events. The nutrient load in drainage water depends on rainfall and surface drainage water amount from the paddy fields. Interestingly, the load of total N and total P output was smaller than the input load due to the natural infiltration that Occurred during the rice cultivation period. It is concluded that the paddy fields have a beneficial effect on the ecosystem and can reduce eutrophication in the water.

• Journal of the Korea Organic Resources Recycling Association
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.21-27
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• 2014

Pig slurry has been considered as environmental waste to be treated in an appropriate manner. Moreover, water-born pollution loads by agricultural non-point source(NPS) pollution are expected to become intensified due to ongoing precipitation change. This study was conducted to develop a best management practice to reduce NPS pollution load by agricultural activity with pig manure compost. An eco-friendly way, small drainage pond, was suggested in this study to avoid direct drainage of agricultural runoffs and eventually reduce the amount of pollutants discharged into the surrounding aqua-environment. A small pond($12m^2$) was constructed at the corner of a rice paddy field($17,15m^2$) located in Suwon, Korea. Water was allowed to drain only via a small drainage pond. Sampling was repeatedly made at two locations, one from an entrance and the other from an exit of a pond, during the rice cultivation period(May to October, 2013). Generally, sampling was made only when runoff water drained through a pond, such as during and/or after rain(irrigation). The water quality analysis showed that all quality parameters(SS, $COD_{Mn}$, T-N, and T-P) were improved as water passed through the pond. The amount of runoff water was reduced by 67.8%. Suspended solids and $COD_{Mn}$ concentrations were reduced by 79.8% and 71.9%, respectively. In case of T-N and T-P amounts, the reduction rates were 73.6% and 74.9%, respectively. Our data implies that agricultural NPS pollution from rice paddy fields with pig manure-based fertilizer can be effectively managed when an appropriate drainage water management practice is imposed.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-9
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• 2000

1. Objects of Research Dong-mu Lee Je-ma was tried to solve the diseases of human beings through Sasang Constitutional Medicine with new viewpoints on human beings and life compared with the existed medicine. So it was very important to understand his medical views in order to apply Sasang Constitutional Medicine in clinical treatment. In this paper, I tried to find his medical views on human beings, life, and diseases to get informations in clinical application. 2. Methods of Research It was researched as bibliologically with his writings such as "Dongyi Soose Bowon(東醫壽世保元)", "Dongyi Soose Bowon Sasang Chobongyun(東醫壽世保元四象草本卷)", "Dongmu Yugo(東武遺稿)", "Gyuk-chigo(格致藁)". 3. Results and Conclusions The conclusions were as follows. 1. "I Ching"'s recognition of Things is that based on Yin-yang theory, originated from Taoism, and aimed to 'the Fine point of Easiness and Simpleness(易簡之妙)'. On the other hand, Dong-mu's is that based on Sasang theory, originated from Confucianism and designed to developed 'the Fine point of Easiness and Simpleness' in view of Sasang(四象). 2. Dong-mu Lee Je-ma had devoted himself in his whole life to establishing new paradigm in the Confucianism, inventing new medicine and, furthermore, embodying the spirit of General health maintenance. 3. Dong-mu Lee Je-ma recognized 'the Fine point of Easiness and Simpleness' in view of Sasang and offered new viewpoint of human being through summarizing various existing viewpoints. 4. Dong-mu Lee Je-ma established new viewpoint of life span of human being through offering new ideas such as 'Inherent vitality(命脈實數)', 'Essential power of organ(臟의 本常之氣)' and 'Regimen in ordinary life(生息允補之道)'. 5. Dong-mu Lee Je-ma embodied 'the Fine point of Easiness and Simpleness' in medicine through offering, in a wide meaning, the spirit of the General health maintenance and the spirit of the Positive medical treatment.

• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.57-68
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• 1982

The paddy fiels slope located in Kangweon province Hwyongsung gun Gonggeun myon Shinchonri was considerably steep and so it was impossible to economically consolidate the field up to date. But for the porpose of farm mechanization, the field (32. 27ha) was consolidated by the auther under the assitance of the Ministry of Agriculture and Fishery and,;the Administration of Kangweon province. This paddy field consolidation was caused by the treatise on "Land-consolidation methods for farm mechanization in the steep-sloped paddy field", of which the auther is the same. The constrution was carried out from September, 1981 to April, 1982. During the 4esign and construction, some Peculiarities were found and discussed. That is, in design, besides the common condititions for a design, some special conditions were considered and written below; (1) The ranges of field slope in this design were 1/100-1/30. (2) Long sides of the land readjustment blocks must be arranged abreast contour line, and so they make the amount of cutting and banking decreased so as to take the maximum advantage of the configuration of the field. (3) In design, the main principles of dividing blocks were written below; i) First of all, long side of a block should be drawn straight abreast a contour line. ii) Long side of a block should arrange abreast contour line and make its length 100-150m, if not, l)reak the side in order to make a bended rectangle. iii) Length of a short side should be determinded within differences of elevation (0.6 -1. 2m) between the two adjacent blocks toward the normal to a contour line. iv) Length of a short side should be above 15m and the ratio of long and short side should be slso kept 1: (4-6). v) A new field surface leveling was determinded from the elevation which produce the least amount of cuttingand banking within the range of 0.6-1. 2m diffe rences of elevation between the two adjacent blocks. vi) In the course of dividing blocks with the same width along the line which was normal to a contour line, all blocks connot keep their shape in a retangle because of steep slope of the field and so on, and so it was also necessory to make some non-retanglar and small blocks such as a trianglar or trapezoidal shape, which was impossible to use some of farm machinery. But because this non-rectanglar and small blocks were divided, larger and many rectanglar blocks can be divided and construction cost can also be lowered. According to the conditions discussed above, the paddy field consolidation project designed and constructed. And the results of this study were obtained as below; (1) Three-forth of total cost of this paddy field consolidation was not construction cost, and these cost consist of land grading (1/4), road and canal construction cost (1/4) and the other cost (1/4) such as surveying or materials and 56 on. (2) The steeper the land slope, the greater cost was assigned for road and canal construction, and than land grading. (3) Curtailment of the road and canal construction cost depended on simplificating their strutures. (4) In the case of the land slopes were low, the land grading cost was high by 1: 1.4 in comparison with the road and canal construction cost, and conversely when the slops were steep, the road and canal construction cost was high by 1 : 5 in compa- rison with the land grading cost. (5) The densities of irrigation canal, drainage canal and trunk and branch road were 150. Sm/ha, 60. im/ha and 17. 4m/ha respectively. The density of irrigation canal of the area was high by 2 times in comparison with the average one of Kangweon Province, and the others were nearly the same. (6) Most farmers (above 85%) knew the effects of paddy field consolidation. The effects are; 1) Improvement of irrigation 2) Improvement of farm management 3) Improvement of transportarion 4) farm mechanization and 5) grouping of the scattered land. And the more farm modernization was accomplished by these projects, the more farmers wanted to live in their land. (7) In spite of the very steep sloped paddy field, the diminution rate of the net farm land caused by consolidation was 7.7% which was nearly the same as the one of Chulweon plain of Kangweon province. Land grading cost was 971, OOOwon/ha which was rather cheap by 13.2% than the one of Ghulweon plain, and unit construction cost was 5, 341, OOOwon/ha (included soil addition) which was also nearly the same as the one of Chulweon plain and FNFIA (The federation of national farmland improvement association).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.64-71
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• 2012

This is a basic study for recovering original form of Nongsanbyeoleop(農山別業) in Gangjin, Jeonnam, created in the latter part of Joseon period and the estimation of originla form at the time of creation was conducted by analyzing related literature and inspecting the actual site. "Joseokruki(朝夕樓記)" of Dasan Jung, Yak Yong could estimate spatial structure and using form of Nongsanbyeoleop and the arrangement of spatial structure in literature could be confirm by on-the-site inspection. The results of this study are as follows. The first, Nongsanbyeoleop managed spatial factors applying natural topography. For the spatial characteristics of Nongsanbyeoleop, the location of ancestral ritual space including deceased father's tomb and tomb house far from the main levee of Yun, Kwang Taek, a father of Yun, Seo Yu by 1.9km and housekeeping could be confirmed. The second, spatial estimation by "Joseokruki" could be possible. "Joseokruki" describes Joseokru.Youngmojae.Hanokkwan.Cheokyunjung.Sangam as construction factors, Wundang.Kookdan.Nokwunoh. as plant factors, Sookyunggan.Keumkoji.Nokeumjung.Uijanghae as hydroponic factors and Pyoeunkok.Aengjakang as natural topography factors. However, most of them were disappeared and at present, only Youngmojae, Keumgoji, Kukdan and Wundang show the past trace. The third is for the changed space of Nongsanbyeoleop and its reason. The surrounding space of Nongsanbyeoleop was planated by land arrangement in 1960s and it played a role of topographical damage because it's recognized as the plane factor including Nongsanbyeoleop's surrounding landscape rather than dotted factor. The forth, the actual measurement of Nongsanbyeoleop and digitalization of manual map of numerical value are judged to be sufficient to apply as the basic material for recovering garden in the future. Because of the diatahce changing method applied at that time, the garden recovery of Nongsanbyeoleop intended to be concreted and 3D model established by digitalized basic materials is considered to apply for multilateral studying. Thus, Nongsanbyeoleop which is byeolseo including the tomb of deceased father based on the conceptual hyo thought shows clear differences from the organized factors of Byolseowonrim of precedent studies and the importance of Byolseowonrim is sufficient. But, the constructional factors which cannot know disappeared spatial factors and accurate location became the limitation of this study. In the future, clear verification of original form must be progressed by excavation which can confirm the location of construction factors.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.