• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.104-120
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• 1991

현재 우리나라에서 인구동태(출생, 사망, 임신, 결혼, 이동) 통계를 생산할 수 있는 제도로는 호적신고, 주민등록의 이환, 전출입 신고, 그리고 표본가구를 대상으로 하는 인구동태표본조사의 세가지로 볼 수 있다. 원칙적으로 인구동태통계는 신고제도로 부터 작성되는 것이 가장 바람직한 것으로 알려져 있다. 우리나라는 경제, 사회발전 및 최근 의료보험제도의 도입 등으로 신고의 질적 수준이 크게 향상되었지만, 신고로부터 완벽한 인구동태통계를 작성하기에는 다음과 같은 자료로 다소 미흡한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 첫째로, 유아사망의 경우, 출생 및 사망신고를 안하는 비율이 상당히 높다. 둘째로, 사망신고시 사망의견서를 첨부하지 않고 인우보증으로 대신하는 비중이 높기 때문에 정확한 사인통계작성에 지장을 주고 있다. 셋째로, 결혼, 이혼의 경우 혼전동거나 동거하다가 헤어지는 경우 신고에서 파악되지 못하고 있다. 넷째로, 이동의 경우 무단전출입 또는 서류상으로만 전출입신고를 하는 경우 이동량 및 흐름을 왜곡시킬 수 있다. 다섯째, 인구동태 계산시 신고자료는 주소지로 집계되는 반면, 분모가 되는 인구센서스 자료는 상주지로 집계되기 때문에 지역별로 동태율을 분석함에 있어 어려움을 주고 있다. 따라서, 이와 같은 문제점을 보완하고 정확한 인구동태통계의 작성에 기여하고자 통계청에서는 전국에서 32,000표본가구를 대상으로 인구동태표본조사를 실시하고 있다. 동 표본조사에서는 조사원이 매월 표본가구를 방문하여 지난 한달 동안 발생한 출생, 사망, 결혼 , 이혼, 이동에 관한 사항을 조사하는바 표본오차를 제외하고 비표본오차는 거의 없는 중요한 자료원이 되고 있다. 결과적으로 인구동태통계와 관련하여서 관련기관에서는 그 중요성을 인식, 신고 제도의 문제점을 계속 보완하고 개선하기 위한 방안이 만들어져 수행되어야 하며 인구동태표본조사실도 더욱 발전시켜야 될 것으로 사료된다.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.757-799
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• 2013

Ever since Korea and Vietnam reestablished diplomatic relations, the two countries'bond has become stronger than ever, augmenting the range of exchange between them in almost every possible field including politics, economy, society, and culture at such a high speed. Among many, an increase in number of Vietnamese immigrant women in international marriage is worthy of close attention. Since 2010, Vietnamese has topped the proportion of total foreign women married to Korean men, having surpassed Chinese. Nonetheless, the quick international marriage between Korean men and Vietnamese women, which usually happens without sufficient time to get to know about different cultures and languages, has not only raised problems for people concerned, but numerous social issues as well. Recognizing these problems, a number of government departments have provided various support on policies and legal issues toprotect multicultural families as a means of social integration and settlement support. Nevertheless, the support policies until now have been generalizing all of the immigrant women in international marriage as people subject to protection. Thus, considering every immigrant women as people in need, and trying to help them with various social issues have caused the government a high cost and low efficiency. This thesis emphasizes the point that through the cases of Vietnamese immigrant women in international marriage, there should be a specific support plan for specific people in need, reflecting various traits of different cultures and societies, in order to ease their settlement in Korea. Moreover, it suggests detailed plans for improvements on legal and institutional problems. Although the Vietnamese government forbids commercial agents for international marriage, many of agencies are still active and to help the immigrant women, who desire to return and resettle in Vietnam in case of divorce, this thesis suggests legal and institutional remedies for Korean and Vietnamese government. The composition of the thesis follows below: Part II on social and cultural traits of international marriage between Korean men and Vietnamese women. Part III on institutional problems and plans for improvements regarding settlement of immigrant women in international marriage. Part IV on legal and institutional problems and plans for improvements regarding divorced immigrant women and their return to Vietnam. Part V on conclusion. Divorce is not a flaw anymore nowadays, but in case of Vietnamese immigrant women ininternational marriage, an inadequate legal system hampers their resettlement process. Cases of not being ableto remove their own names from the family register due to poor financial and legal abilities are often identified and it is both the Vietnamese and Korean governments'duty to acquit their ethical responsibilities by seeking ways to institutionally and financially support them.

• The Journal of Asian Women
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.75-110
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• 2014

This research examines marriage migrant women's interpreting and translation work as an ethnic labor, analyzing its creation and work experiences. Major findings about ethnic labor in the research are as follows: First, Korean gendered and discriminatory- exclusive immigration policy enables the creation of interpreting and translation job to marriage migrant women. While the policy limits settlement and employment fields of male immigrant workers, marriage migration women are allowed to settle and find any job. Second, job security and wage of marriage migrant women's interpreting and translation work are still low, although the job is considered a relatively decent one in foreign immigrant labor market. Finally, they experience conflicts between role as neutral interpreters and identity as migrant women, facing native Koreans' distrust and discrimination against them. In conclusion, this study suggests some issues on marriage migrant women's empowerment and their labor market prospect in terms of the sustainability of this job.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2017

This paper is to consider conceptually a formation of food-networks and border-crossing of transnational marriage migrant households on the basis of actor-network theory, and to analyze empirical data on the issues collected by interview with marriage migrant women living around Daegu, S.Korea. Some research results can be argued as follows: First, food can be seen, not as a single material object, but as a multiple and hybrid network of human and nonhuman (material and institutional) actors, in which activities of food cooking and eating are regulated by and (re)construct social relations and placeness of households. Secondly, food-networks in marriage migrant households implement relationships of micro-power (and attachment) in the process of its (re)formation, and hence the food-network, it can be argued, is a field of power in which conflicts and compromising around food cooking and eating are intersecting each others. Thirdly, food-networks in marriage migrant households in both their origin country and in the Korean home are not only affected by macro natural and social environments but also by micro placeness of the households, both of which constitute the food-networks and operate in relations with other actors in the netwroks. Finally, food-networks in marriage migrant households reflect multiple and multi-scalar spatial mobility and placeness of transnational food culture, through which they express topologically 'fluid space' and 'absent presence', in which marriage migrant women can (or cannot) conduct social and cultural border-crossing.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.39-69
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• 2008

The present study examined the overall receptivity of community members to migrant wives in Korea. A total of 23 community members from two regions, Ansan, an urban area and Youngam, a rural area, were selected for the interview based on their prior experience with migrant wives. Data were collected via a semi-structured interview method. The participants provided their personal feelings and thoughts on a variety of issues involving migrant wives, such as how they perceive migrant wives' original culture and lifestyles, the nature of their interaction experience with migrant wives, their overall evaluation of migrant wives, their opinions about migrant wives' cultural adaptation, and their opinions about the on-going transformation of the Korean society into a multi-racial, multi-cultural society. Interview results indicated that, although the participants' attitude toward migrant wives was positive, the overall receptivity to migrant wives was largely based on the traditional sex-role stereotypes typically found in the Korean society. Moreover, the vast majority of the participants endorsed a narrow-minded, uni-directional perspective on cultural adaptation which puts far greater emphasis on migrant wives' assimilation into the host culture than reciprocal influence process between the two cultures. Implications of the study and directions for future research were discussed.

• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.59-83
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to understand why female labor force participation rates decline in early times after their marriage. Data were derived from the 4th(2001) to 9th(2006) Korea Labor & Income Panel Study. 194 Korean married women in twenties and thirties who had a job before marriage were analyzed. Survival analysis was used to explore the first labor force exit of married women longitudinally. The major findings are as follows. First, nearly half of them went away from labor market in the first 3 years after marriage. Second, child birth was the most significant factor in predicting women's labor force exit. Married women's employment discontinuity tend to be lowered after child birth, with working hour decreasing, and with the number of available family-friendly policies increasing. Married women's income encouraged them to hold on their career, though husband's income and household income were not significant. Third, married women tended to leave their job before giving birth. Women who remained in the labor market at child birth or until a year after birth were inclined to continue their job thereafter. Fourth, maternity leave and childcare leave diminished the probability of employment discontinuity. Many working wives could not use a maternity leave or childcare leave. This study shows married women usually underwent labor market exit in their newly married time. They cannot help facing conflict between the role of mother's and a worker's. Family-friendly policies could encourage working wives to rear child and continue work at the same time. The findings of this study could serve as fundamental material for further studies and would be a key to find effective solution for problematic issues on reconciling work and family.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2015.07a
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• pp.111-114
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• 2015

민법상 인정하고 있는 부부재산제도는 부부별산제의 원칙 아래 부부재산계약을 따로 두고 있는 형태이다. 부부재산계약은 혼인신고를 하기 전 두 당사자가 재산관계에 대해 합의한 사항을 등기하면 제3자에 대해서도 효력이 있도록 하는 제도로, 부부별산제의 예외가 된다. 부부별산제(민법제830조)는 부부의 일방이 결혼 전부터 갖고 있던 재산과, 결혼 생활 도중 자신의 명의로 취득한 재산을 그 개인의 것으로 보고, 소유가 불분명한 경우만 공유로 추정하고 있다. 따라서 재산의 관리, 사용, 수익은 소유자가 하게 된다. 결국 부부의 공동으로 형성된 재산이라도 소유자가 모든 권리를 행사할 수 밖에 없어 명의를 갖지 못한 부부일방은 재산적인 침해를 받을 수 있는 등 형식적 평등에 불과하고 실질적인 부부의 경제적 평등을 보장받지 못하고 있는 실정이므로 양성평등과 가족법적 이념에도 어긋나는 제도라 볼 수 있다. 그리고 부부별산제가 제3자와 관계에 있어서 법적안정성을 확보할 수 있다는 장점은 있으나, 법적분쟁 시 일방배우자의 소유재산이더라도 상대방 배우자의 숨어있는 가사노동 지분에 대한 보호규정 등이 없어 문제가 제기되고 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 부부재산제도의 문제점을 파악해보고 이를 근거로 합리적인 개선방안을 제시하고자 한다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.66 no.4
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• pp.281-306
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• 2014

This paper explores the how the disability type, severeness and economic activeness affects marital satisfaction, and seeks to improve marital satisfaction among disabled by clarifying mediating effects of discriminatory experiences in everyday experiences. This research was done with 3,463 married disabled who were prone to everyday discrimination, among whom were enrolled in research database of Employment Development Institute of Korea Employment Promotion Agency for the Disabled. The research showed positive effects between marital satisfaction and everyday discriminatory experience except for unemployed people and severe among all the disabled type (external disability, sensory disability, mental disability, internal disability), disability severeness (severe and light), and economic activeness (paid workers, self-employed, home-worker, unemployed, not economically active). Also, relationship between disability type, severeness, economical activeness and marital satisfaction was partly mediated through everyday discriminatory experiences. Therefore, active movements to reduce everyday discrimination are strongly advised.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.229-243
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• 2015

When ancient Chinese people called their relatives, both the marriage system and their blood ties are reflected in the kinship terms. For examples, the ancient China's unique marriage system, "yingqiehun," is reflected in kinship terms, like "shi," "di," and "zhi," which reflect the fact that women relatives married the same person, and thus resulting from the polygamy. Furthermore, there are good reasons to assume that there are master-and-servant relationships, as evidenced through the kinship terms "yingqiehun" from the beginning of polygamy. In this paper we will study the feature of their unique marital culture, "yingqiehun" by analyzing each meaning of "shi," "di," and "zhi" and other examples, and will also examine the cause of its prevalence at that time.

• Korean Architects
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• s.640
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• pp.150-159
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• 2022