• Title/Summary/Keyword: 건축연구위

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The Modern Understanding and Misunderstanding about the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple (원각사(圓覺寺)13층탑(層塔)에 대한 근대적 인식과 오해)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.50-80
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    • 2021
  • This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

The Actual State and Transformation of Major Garden Ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace during the Modern and Contemporary Period (근현대기 창덕궁 내 주요 점경물의 실상과 변형)

  • Oh, Jun-Young;Lee, Jae-Yong
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.39 no.1
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    • pp.10-19
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    • 2021
  • This study investigated the actual state and transformation of the major garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮) in the modern and contemporary period, focusing on Nakseonjae(樂善齋), Juhamnu(宙合樓), Jondeokjeong(尊德亭), and Daebodanji (大報壇址). This study can be used as useful data for establishing the restoration and maintenance plan of the garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace, and the main results of the study can be summarized as follows. First, according to a photo taken by the Czech Vráz, in 1901, a total of six garden ornaments, including a stone pond and odd-shaped stones, were located in the backyard of Nakseonjae. Since liberation, arbitrary relocation of garden ornaments has frequently occurred, and in the process, two odd-shaped stones, originally located on the first floor of the terraced flower bed, have been transferred to the backyard of Gyeonghungak(景薰閣). Second, unlike the late Joseon Dynasty when 「Donggwoldo(東闕圖)」 was produced, odd-shaped stones were arranged symmetrically in the backyard of Juhamnu in the early 1900s. It was a traditional style garden ornament with similar appearance, size, and design. However, all the odd-shaped stones in the backyard of Juhaumnu were relocated to other places in the 1970s and 1980s. One is located at the rear of Aeryeonjeong(愛蓮亭) through the entrance of Bingcheon(氷泉) and the vicinity of Geumcheongyo(錦川橋), and the other remains in front of the Yeongyeongdang Jangnakmun(演慶堂 長樂門). Third, among the garden ornaments located in the area of Jondeokjeong in the past, one odd-shaped stone is now relocated around the stone bridge near the pavilion and the Yeonghwadang(暎花堂) with its components separated. The bondstone near Yeonghwadang was relocated in 1990 for the purpose of installing an imitation of Angbuilgu(仰釜日晷). Another odd-shaped stone has been relocated to the front door of the Secret Garden(後苑), and now it is difficult to grasp the location. Fourth, the two bondstones remaining in the Daebodanji were actually building materials that were used as the foundation stone for the entrance pillars of the Yi Royal Office Building(李王職廳舍) during the Japanese colonial period. After liberation, the Yi Royal Office Building was reorganized into Imperial Estate Administration Office(皇室財産事務總局), and when the office building was burned down in 1960, the stone statues and foundation stones placed on the stylobate were relocated to the Daebodanji. The bondstone at Daebodanji is a representative example of construction materiasl being mistaken for gaeden ornaments.

Utilization of Space based Digital Information for Land Information around the Acreage of a Lot (필지 중심 토지정보화를 위한 공간기반 수치정보의 활용방안)

  • Jung, Dae-Young;Shin, Young-Chul;Jung, Young-June
    • Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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    • v.8 no.3
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    • pp.11-22
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    • 2005
  • It is necessary to arrange and analyze the collected research date to get regularity such as characteristics, merits and demerits, and possibility in city when constructing land information by analyzing linkage and utilization of cadastral information as the fundamental data for land information around the acreage of a lot and by expressing the purpose of each digital data construction with map. In short, that is the work to classify data, to make chart or map, or to analyze using statistical technique. Some information in land utilization had been used by computerization, but several problems were found in common use of total divisions. The most important problem is, in the case of drawing information, that topographical map with building boundary and land registration map with acreage boundary cannot be used together. In the case of property information, common utilization of property information that is basically needed and standard measurement of usage classification are necessary. The characteristics of the land usage data by the rearrangement of the cadastral information. etc. is presented as the basic data for the land information orientation, and the analyzing result of the data should be expressed and controlled on the map as the fundamental survey for the establishment of the land information oriented planning supports the physical space planning of the land cadaster finally. In this research, the problem in establishing current land information around acreage of a lot was found to research data to be needed in land information for utilizationof space based digital information, and was studied the method in relation to GIS.

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Studies of Basal Metabolism and Energy Expenditure of Koreans in Daily Life (한국인(韓國人)의 기초대사량(基礎代謝量)과 1일소비열량(日消費熱量)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Dong-Jun
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.49-62
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    • 1971
  • 한국인(韓國人)의 기초대사량(基礎代謝量)과 1일소비열량(日消費熱量)을 측정(測定)하기 위하여 Douglas씨(氏) ${\ulcorner}$${\lrcorner}$과 Scholander씨(氏) ${\ulcorner}$가스${\lrcorner}$ 분석기(分析器)를 사용(使用)하여 넓은 연령(年齡), 직종(職種), 활동(活動)의 영역(領域)에 긍(亘)하여 실험(實驗)을 행(行)하였다. 938 예(例)의 기초대사측정치(基礎代謝測定値)는 Boothby, Fleish, Robertson and Reid 등(等)의 표준치(標準値)와 근사(近似)하였다. 겨울에는 기초대사량(基礎代謝量)은 9.9%의 증가(增加)를 또한 수면중(睡眠中)의 대사량(代射量)은 기초대사량(基礎代謝量)의 약(約) 94%이었다. 또한 Sanborn Metabulator를 사용(使用)하여 1,000 명(名) 이상(以上)의 기초대사량(基礎代謝量)을 측정(測定)하였다. 또한 여러 가지 동작(動作) 활동중(活動中)의 소비열량(消費熱量)이 측정(測定)되었다. 하루의 전소비열량(全消費熱量)은 $3{\sim}7$일간(日間)에 긍(亘)하여 하루 24시간(時間)의 활동상황(活動狀況)을 분단위(分單位)로 기록(紀錄), 집계(集計)하고 이것과 기초대사량(基礎代謝量) 및 개별활동시(個別活動時)의 소비열량(消費熱量)을 참작(參酌), 계산(計算)하였다. 수면중(睡眠中)의 소비열량(消費熱量)은 기초대사량(基礎代謝量)에 준(準)하였는데 사무원(事務員), 교원(敎員), 의사(醫師), 약사(藥師), 점원(店員), 운전수(運轉手), 건축기사(建築技師), 설계사(設計師), 응원사(應園師), 목공(木工), ${\ulcorner}$펜기${\lrcorner}$ 공등(工等)의 1일소비열량(日消費熱量)은 FAO 한국협회책정(韓國協會策定)의 한국인(韓國人) ${\ulcorner}$칼로리${\lrcorner}$에 근사(近似)하였고 ${\ulcorner}$${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$웨이터${\lrcorner}$, 농부(農夫), 사공(士工), 기계공(機械工), 석공(石工)은 중등정도(中等程度)의 노동(勞動)의 3,000 ${\ulcorner}$칼로리${\lrcorner}$나 또는 중(重)한 노동(勞動)의 3,900 ${\ulcorner}$칼로리${\lrcorner}$에, 가정주부(家政主婦), 하녀(下女), ${\ulcorner}$디자이너${\lrcorner}$는 여자(女子)의 중등정도(中等程度) 노동(勞動)의 2,200 ${\ulcorner}$칼로리${\lrcorner}$, 간호원(看護員), 청소부(淸掃婦), ${\ulcorner}$${\lrcorner}$ 방(房)바닥연마공(硏磨工)은 중(重)한 노동(勞動)의 2,800${\ulcorner}$칼로리${\lrcorner}$에 모심기 하는 날의 농부(農夫)는 격심(激甚)한 노동(勞動)의 4,100${\ulcorner}$칼로리${\lrcorner}$에 각각(各各) 가까웠다. 여자(女子)일지라도 포제용(鋪製用) 돌까기와 돌날르기는 남자(男子)의 중노동정도(重勞動程度)의 ${\ulcorner}$칼로리${\lrcorner}$를 소비(消費)하였다.

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Application of Hemeroby for Environmental Assessment with Environmental Planning - Focused on the Case“LG Village”- (Hemeroby를 이용한 자연환경평가 및 환경계획 - LG 빌리지의 사례를 중심으로 -)

  • 김혜주;조수경
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.12 no.3
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    • pp.253-258
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    • 1998
  • It is common in foreign countries to make a compensative plan for environmental destruction which is caused by development action even in where development is permitted. But, in Korea, environmental plan was regarded as just meeting the legal standard of green area in site development. This study focused on the case of university project, LG village plan, is to evaluate the environment of the site using Hemeroby and suggested restoration plan in compensation for the destructive. The site was a huge development area of apartment located in Suwon. First of all, we evaluated the site using Hemeroby and compared this with LG village plan. Then, we made a compensative plan for the environmental destruction which was not compensated in LG village plan. The results were as follows; $\beta$-/$\alpha$-euhemeroby of the Site was 80.1% before the development and, after the development, $\beta$-/$\alpha$-euhemeroby of the site dropped to 43.7% and meta-hemeroby increased from 56.3% to 17%. Therefore, we could accept the buildings of LG village development plan and suggested a compensative plan with which we could raise $\beta$-/$\alpha$-euhemeroby like restoring the river, greening parking-lots and rooftops, revegetating cut slope.

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Construction of Measuring System for Magnetic Properties Measurement of Azimuth Angle Sensor (방위각센서의 자기특성 측정 장치 제작)

  • Son, Derac
    • Journal of the Korean Magnetics Society
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.22-27
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    • 2014
  • North indicating azimuth angle sensors have been used in airplanes, ships traditionally and nowadays employed in smart phones. For the azimuth and roll angle measurement of the sensor, 3-axis acceleration sensor was added to the 3-axis magnetic field sensor. In this work, we have constructed a measuring system for the measurement of the magnetic field and the angle uncertainty of the magnetic field sensors. Measuring system could be useful not only in non-magnetic laboratory but also in normal laboratory, we constructed small size of 3-axis Helmholtz coils for the compensation environment magnetic field (Earth magnetic field and magnetic field from building) and the generation of magnetic field for the test of magnetic field sensor. The constructed measuring system could compensate environment magnetic field below 10 nT level and generate 3-dimensional magnetic field with magnitude uncertainty of 0.2 % and angle error of $0.2^{\circ}$ within the volume of ${\pm}30mm$ diameter at center of Helmholtz coils. For the conformation of developed measuring system, We tested commercially available 3-axis magnetometer and heading sensor.

The Runoff Characteristics of Non-point Pollution Sources in Industrial Complex(II): Focusing on the Outflow Characteristics of the C Industrial Complex by Rainfall Event (산업단지 비점오염원의 유출특성(II): C산업단지의 강우사상별 유출특성을 중심으로)

  • Woo, Jae-Suk;Shin, Hyun-Gon
    • Journal of the Korea Organic Resources Recycling Association
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.41-47
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    • 2022
  • In this study, rainfall water outlet water quality monitoring was performed on the C industrial complex to evaluate the characteristics of non-point pollutant runoff from the industrial complex during rainfall and to use it as basic data for calculating the load and unit of non-point pollutant. As a result of calculating EMC according to the outflow amount by rainfall event, the 1st rainfall showed EMCs ranges of BOD, CODMn, SS, T-N, and T-P of 1.32~48.76, 3.32~43.75, 2.89~199.43, 2.76~8.93, 0.08~068, and the 2nd rainfall was 0.5~2.9, 2.71~7.13, 2.82~174.94, 1.33~4.03, 0.01~1.28 mg/L, respectively. As a result of calculating the ratio of cumulative outflow and cumulative pollution load, most of the pollution load was less than the rainfall outflow, but over time, the initial washing phenomenon occurred as the ratio of cumulative rainfall outflow and cumulative pollution load increased to more than 1.

Sound Pressure and Vibration Characteristics of Reinforced Concrete Slab with Heavy Weight Mortar for Cross-section Recovery (단면 회복용 중량 모르타르를 사용한 철근콘크리트 슬래브의 음압 및 진동 특성)

  • Jae-Sung Kim;Jin-Man Kim
    • Journal of the Korean Recycled Construction Resources Institute
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    • v.12 no.3
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    • pp.298-305
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    • 2024
  • This paper is a basic study to improve floor impact noise of reinforced concrete slabs. Considering the case where thickness differences occur due to construction, changes in sound insulation characteristics were analyzed when the cross section of a reinforced concrete slab was restored with mortar. The houses subject to analysis were divided into two types, 84 type and 59 type, with different floor plans. When pre-mortaring was done with heavy mortar to restore the cross section on the reinforced concrete slab, the case was when pre-mortaring was done with the reinforced concrete slab alone and with general mortar. Compared with, the difference between vibration acceleration level and sound pressure was measured. As a result of measuring the vibration acceleration level of the slab after pouring the mortar, the CS mortar was 66.4 dB and the ES mortar was 66.1 dB at 84 type 63 Hz, which was more than 2 dB lower than that of regular mortar. In addition, compared to the reinforced concrete slab alone, CS mortar was reduced by 5.5 dB and ES mortar was reduced by 4.6 dB, showing relatively excellent values. As for the floor impact sound pressure, the 84B type was similar at 63 Hz for CS mortar and general mortar at 67.3 dB, and the reduction compared to the reinforced concrete slab alone was 3.6 dB for CS mortar, 2.7 dB for ES mortar, and 2.7 dB for general mortar was reduced by 1.4 dB. By pouring mortar to compensate for the thickness of the reinforced concrete slab, the vibration acceleration level and floor impact noise were reduced, and when a heavy mortar using copper smelting slag fine aggregate was used, relatively excellent performance was found.

Contribution of Oswald Veblen to AMS and its meaning in Korea (Oswald Veblen이 미국수학계에 미친 영향과 한국에서의 의미)

  • Lee, Sang-Gu;Ham, Yoon-Mee
    • Journal for History of Mathematics
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    • v.22 no.2
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    • pp.27-52
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    • 2009
  • This article discusses the contributions of the leader Oswald Veblen, who was the president of AMS during 1923-1924. In 2006, Korea ranked 12th in SCIE publications in mathematics, more than doubling its publications in less than 10 years, a successful model for a country with relatively short history of modern mathematical research. Now there are 192 four-year universities in Korea. Some 42 of these universities have Ph.D. granting graduate programs in mathematics and/or mathematical education in Korea. Rapid growth is observed over a broad spectrum including a phenomenal performance surge in International Mathematical Olympiad. Western mathematics was first introduced in Korea in the 17th century, but real significant mathematical contributions by Korean mathematicians in modern mathematics were not much known yet to the world. Surprisingly there is no Korean mathematician who could be found in MaC Tutor History Birthplace Map. We are at the time, to have a clear vision and leadership for the 21st century. Even with the above achievement, Korean mathematical community has had obstacles in funding. Many people thinks that mathematical research can be done without funding rather unlike other science subjects, even though they agree fundamental mathematical research is very important. We found that the experience of early American mathematical community can help us to give a vision and role model for Korean mathematical community. When we read the AMS Notice article 'The Vision, Insight, and Influence of Oswald Veblen' by Steve Batterson, it answers many of our questions on the development of American mathematics in early 20th century. We would like to share the story and analyze its meaning for the development of Korean Mathematics of 21st century.

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An Archaeological Review of the Inscribed Bricks Excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui: A Focus on the Collection of the National Museum of Korea (장무이묘 출토 명문전(銘文塼)의 고고학적 검토 -국립중앙박물관 소장품을 중심으로)

  • Lee Nakyung
    • Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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    • v.1
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    • pp.36-73
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    • 2024
  • The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.