• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.36-72
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• 2016

Comprehensive Cable TV Channels(CCCs) has been established as a political product around 5 years ago, and it's influence and position on the broadcasting field are keep increasing. CCC's stabilization is based on flooding the market with journalism. The repeating news and current affairs programs are appearing constantly in the afternoon which is CCC's primetime. The current affairs talk shows are a product of CCC's representative program type and it leads unique CCC style journalism. The guests of the current affairs talk show leading the program with critiques(comments) and discussions about political issues. The purpose of this study is to explore how these guests of the current affairs talk shows conceptually positioned as political mediating elites and same time to explore the television political landscape through the representative current affairs talk shows from TV chosun, Channel A, MBN, JTBC which are present by these political elites. This study wants to find out about that television political effects from CCCs which exemplified into certain directions by these political mediating elites saying their political biases and expresses their feelings drastically that causes high ratings and brings people's attention. The guests who called political mediating elites in this study are mostly considered to be extreme rightist, conservatives, conservative-centrist and they have close relationship with certain political party or political group. The political mediating elites gain the popularities and have great influence on the public from performing the television politics through CCCs' current affairs talk shows and use that to make political exchange connections with political groups. Therefore this study wants to point out that CCCs' current affairs talk shows are situated in political rally, exchange connection, so current affairs talk shows are existing only for political battle field.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.35 no.6
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• pp.1049-1062
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• 2015

To understand the synergy of collaboration and to apply this understanding to education, an analysis of how a team solves a problem and the sharing of their mental models is needed. This paper analyzed two things qualitatively to find out the source of synergy in a collaborative problem-solving process. First, the sharing contents in team mental model and second, the process of sharing the team mental model. Ten gifted middle school students collaborated to solve an ill-defined problem called sunshine through foliage problem. The gifted students shared the following results after the collaboration: First, scientific concept prior to common idea or the idea that all group members have before the discussions; second, unique individual ideas of group members; and third, created ideas that were not originally in the personal mental model. With created ideas, the team model becomes more than the sum of individuals. According to the results of process analysis, in the process of sharing mental model, the students proposed and shared the most important variable first. This result implied that the analysis of the order of sharing ideas is important as much as finding shared ideas. Also, the result shows that through their collaboration, the gifted students' shared mental model became more refined and expanded as compared to their individual prior mental models. It is recommended that these results can be used to measure shared mental model and develop collaborative learning models for students.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.115-126
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to understand the utility of election campaign advertising by applying Q methodology that draw upon schematic model in subjectivity study. A survey was carried out among college students to classify the 16 selected Q-statements into a normal distribution using a 7 point scale. The collected data was analyzed using QUANL program, and principal component analysis using varimax rotation was used to identify the types of perceived utility of election campaign advertising. Type I can be categorized by a strong concern for the advertising technique improvement, Type II can be categorized by advocating for interest induction and Type III can be categorized by the truth inducement. The use of Q methodology provides insights into audience perceptions on the utility of election campaign advertising that would not be available through traditional methodologies and offers a foundation for audience involvement to address and overcome concerns about the utility of advertising for election campaign.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.119-133
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• 2016

This paper is designed to study how public values of viewers impact on the necessity of public service broadcasters and the willingness to payment of TV license fee based on the public-opinion survey regarding raising KBS TV license fee which was submitted to the National Assembly in 2013. To investigate this influence, seven main projects presented by KBS are classified into five public values of public (service) broadcasters such as quality, diversity, universality, social value and global value. The seven key performance tasks were presented by KBS. The study results are summarized as follows. Firstly, the survey group who selected the digital welfare enlargement by free terrestrial multi-channel broadcasting among public values recognized as highest the necessity of public service broadcasting as the most highly. Secondly, regarding the question of raising license fee, 72.4 percent of respondents were in favor of 1,000 won and 43.9 percent of respondents were in favor of 1,500 won. The result of this study shows that public service broadcasting has the possibility of securing the legitimacy of license fee policy when public service broadcasters faithfully carry out the five public values as above.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.38
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• pp.126-152
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• 1999

The social welfare system in modern world is generally recognized as the most effective measure against the social problems in capitalist societies. When a social welfare program is introduced to solve a social problem, however, it used to cause another new problem at the same time. In order to overcome this circularity, we need to consider not only quantitative but also the qualitative aspect of social welfare. In line with this problematic, this thesis tries to examine the social welfare thoughts in Confucianism in order to rethink the meaning of social welfare. In contrast to the modern social welfare as a social right, the social welfare in Confucianism was basically regarded as the grace of a king whose purpose was to legitimate his domination. But it was also based upon Confucian humanism and institutionalized into the Confucian govern mentality. It was practiced through the Confucian communality whose basic concept lies in the traditional family system. The social welfare in this society was to be fulfilled automatically by promoting the production and by consolidating the solidarity of the community. The social intervention, therefore, was principal1y indirect and preventive rather than direct and postfactum. The social welfare supports in Confucian societies included not only the material but also the psychological. In these senses, it sounds like that the Confucian welfare system reached the very high standard. Although the real practice should be cautiously differentiated from its ideal state, we may find interesting implications from the social welfare thoughts in Confucianism.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Railway
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.151-162
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• 2013

This paper presents a comparison of Korean and Manchurian railway system during the Japanese colonial era of Korea. While both railways share the common characteristics of an imperial railway, they revealed several differences. Firstly, the Manchurian railway was likely a private company, although it was operated half privately and half by the government. The Manchurian railway operated like the East Indian Company in India during the English colonial era. On the other hand, the Korean railway was fully operated by the government at a ministry level. While the Korean railway solely concentrated on the railway, the Manchurian railway was involved in regional development and the coal-mining industry as well. Secondly, in contrast to the Korean railway, the Manchurian railway was more lucrative, and was relatively more predominant regarding carriage of freights. Thirdly, railway officers in Korea were elected government bureaucrats, while Manchurian railway officers came from diverse political parties and social strata. After the annexation by the Kwantung Army, the Manchurian railway was mainly influenced by the military. The common characteristic here was that both railways were utilized for military purposes as imperial railways. In partilcular, the Manchurian railway executed military orders directly. Hereafter, through a comparative study between the Japanese and Taiwanese railways, a clear and accurate understanding of the characteristics of the Korean railway during the Japanese era will be revealed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.324-347
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• 2006

`Youthism` is pushing the youth research field into a trap of binarism fallacy. It tends to divide the whole population into the young and the old, and further gives an acceleration toward moving the division into the discursive realm of generation gap. The discursive transference is not taking place without any reasonable grounds. The series of discourse is based on two significant phenomena: changes in media background and longer schooling than ever before. Media environment overriding youth culture binds the young in a group and makes them enjoy homogeneous cultural genres. And schooling also seems to play an important role for the youth to have same cultural menus regardless of region, social strata, cultural background. But we need to recognize that after getting into the adulthood, they are not existing in the form of alliance. The youth are not in a homogeneous group. Neither are their culture. The youth are consisted of a variety of groups along such variables as gender, class of their parents. They tend to make distinction not only from the older generation but from the other peer groups. Unless avoiding the trap of youthism, we are blamed for closing eyes to the youth's desire to be distinctive among themselves. Youthism seems to be an active myth even in our academic society.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.107-144
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• 2012

Recently concerns on the energy future are rising in Korea after nuclear disaster of Fukushima in Japan last year. However, even after Fukushima disaster Korean government keeps on insisting nuclear oriented energy policy. Contrary to it, some of civil society's organizations(CSOs) including environment groups and progressive political parties are making strong voices for phase-out nuclear. As a way of phase-out nuclear activity researcher groups based on CSOs have presented several alternative energy scenarios against the official government scenario so that contest between the two senarios seems not to be avoided. This article aims to analyse the politics of expertise around energy scenarios in Korea by highlighting differences between two scenarios of government and CSOs in terms of epistemological and methodological base, value orientation, institutional foundation, and the socio-political contexts of scenarios. Our research shows that government's energy scenario is based on scientific-positivist epistemology, firm belief in value neutrality and forecasting method, and is built by neo-classical economists at government-sponsored research institutes in accordance with the 'Business As Usual' approach. In contrast, alternative scenarios of CSOs can be said to be based on epistemological constructivism, value oriented attitudes and backcasting method, and be built by collaboration of researchers and activists with different academic and social backgrounds after Fukushima nuclear disaster.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.