• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.31 no.3 s.62
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• pp.424-439
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• 1998

Urinary cadmium is used as a sensitive indicator for internal Cd dose, and increased excretion of $N-acetyl-\beta-D-glucosaminidase(NAG)$, $\beta_2-microglobulin(MG)$ and total protein are useful indices for renal dysfunction by chronic exposure to Cd. The target group was 184 inhabitant(82 men and 102 women) in an abandoned mine area known as exposure to low level Cd. The control group was took 160 individuals(64 men and 96 women) in Cd not-exposed area. Urinary Cd concentration was significantly higher in the target group than the control. The geometric mean of urinary Cd for male was $2.56{\mu}g/\ell,\;2.80{\mu}g/g$ creatinine and $2.50{\mu}g/S.G.$ in the target group and $1.19{\mu}g/\ell,\;1.36{\mu}g/g$ creatinine and $1.17{\mu}g/S.G.$ in the control. For female $2.69{\mu}g/\ell,\;3.94{\mu}g/g$ creatinine and $2.63{\mu}g/S.G.$ in the target group and $1.27{\mu}g/\ell,\;1.97{\mu}g/g$ creatinine and $1.25{\mu}g/S.G.$ in the control, respectively. In addition, urinary Cd of the target group had affected by the period of residence and dietary habit for the rice and the vegetables from the target area. These findings suggest the chronic exposure to Cd of the target population. Mean excretion of urinary NAG, $\beta_2-MG$ and total protein were not significant between two groups. In the target group, urinary NAG activity and total protein were significantly correlated with urinary Cd, but $\beta_2-MG$ was not related. Urinary excretion of NAG, $\beta_2-MG$ and total protein were significantly increased in $10\leqq$ than in <2 of urinary Cd level. In $2\sim10$ group of urinary Cd level, the excretion of NAG significantly increased while not showed for $\beta_2-MG$. In present study, urinary excretion of NAG was relatively sensitive than $\beta_2-MG$ in chronic exposure population to low level Cd.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.43-63
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• 2004

Objectives: The purpose of this study was to classify the patterns of health behaviors of some rural residents in Korea by sub-grouping them into populations with similar patterns of diet quality, physical activity, alcohol consumption and cigarette smoking, and then to investigate the relationship between these health behavior patterns and health status or health management of them. Methods: The study subjects were 722 rural residents above 20 years old on a typical rural district in Korea, and the data used in this study was from the survey data for health planning of a health center. Study questionnaire for this survey was developed from modifying the questionnaire for 'National Nutrition and Health Study' conducted in 1998. To classify health behavior patterns, cluster analysis was conducted. And to test the association of health behavior patterns with health status or health management, multiple logistic regression analysis were conducted. Results: The results and their implications of this study were as follows: 1. We identified six health behavior typologies : 67.8% of the sample had a good diet quality but showed sedentary activity level(good diet lifestyle) and 10.9% had heavy smoking behavior(smoking lifestyle). Individuals included in fitness lifestyle cluster(6.2%) had high physical activity level and those in drinking life style(2.6%) had had mainly large amount of alcohol. Zero point six percent of sample were included in hedonic lifestyle cluster, who showed poor health behaviors in all. Those included in passive lifestyle(11.9%) had no active health promoting activities but tended to avoid risk taking health behavior such as cigarette smoking and alcohol drinking. 2. As a result of logistic regression analysis, to compare with the individuals in good diet lifestyle, the prevalence of chronic diseases of those in fitness lifestyle showed higher and that of those in smoking lifestyle, drinking lifestyle, hedonic lifestyle, passive lifestyle showed lower than them, retrospectively. 3. Adjusting with general characteristics and health status, to compare with the individuals in good diet lifestyle, the proportion of those who had good health management practices in fitness lifestyle was higher, and the proportion of those who had health check in past 2 years was lower than them, retrospectively. Conclusions: There were some differences in health behavior patterns between rural population and national population, which influenced significantly on health status and health management practice of them. We suggested that the health promotion program for them be developed with considering these points.

• Korean Journal of Organic Agriculture
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.115-125
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• 2008

This study was conducted to determine adequate forage crop choice and optimal level of livestock manure, when different types and levels of the livestock manure were applied in corns or sorghum$\times$sorghum hybrids for the production of organic roughages by utilizing livestock manure. For the corn, yields of annual dry matter (DM) and total digestible nutrients (TDN) were highest in N+P+K-applied treatments, showing 17.3 and 11.7 ton/ha, respectively. Treatments applied 100% composted cattle manure (8.9 and 6.1 ton/ha) and 100% cattle slurry (9.4 and 7.5 ton/ ha) in contrast with chemical fertilizer-N had higher yields of DM and TDN than no fertilizer (4.8 and 2.7 ton/ha) and P+K-applied treatments (8.8 and 6.0 ton/ha). Particularly, treatments applied 150% composted cattle manure and 150% cattle slurry were markedly higher, which represented 11.4 and 7.6 ton/ha and 10.3 and 7.3 ton/ha, respectively. Crude protein (CP) contents for corns applied livestock manure ranged from 5.6 to 6.6%, which were significantly (p<0.05) higher than those of no fertilizer (3.9%) and P+K-applied treatments (5.5%). ADF (42.4%) and NDF (58.3%) contents for no fertilizer treatment were significantly (p<0.05) higher than those of other treatments. However, TDN contents were higher for livestock manure treatments than for no and/or chemical fertilizer treatments. In particular, TDN contents of treatments applied 150% composted cattle manure and 150% cattle slurry showed 72.3 and 70.8%, respectively and both treatments were significantly (p<0.05) higher than all of the other treatments. For the sorghum$\times$sorghum hybrid, yields of annual DM and TDN for 100% (12.4 and 7.4 ton/ha) and 150% (13.1 and 7.6 ton/ha) cattle slurry-applied treatments, and N+P+K-applied treatments (12.6 and 7.7 ton/ha) were significantly (p<0.05) higher than those of the others. In the others, 150% composted cattle manure (9.3 and 5.2 ton/ha) had higher annual DM and TDN yields than P+K-applied (8.4 and 4.8 ton/ha) and 100% composted cattle manure treatments (7.4 and 4.2 ton/ha), with no significant difference. Crude protein contents for sorghum$\times$sorghum hybrid applied P+K and cattle slurry were 8.8 and 8.6%, respectively. CP contents for both treatments were significantly higher than those of composted manure ($7.5{\sim}8.3%$) and no fertilizer (4.0%) treatments, but 100% livestock manure treatments had higher CP contents than 150%-applied treatments. ADF and NDF contents for N+P+K and cattle slurry-applied treatments were significantly (p<0.05) lower than the others. However, TDN contents were highest in N+P+K and cattle slurry-applied treatments, showing 61.2 and 58.3 to 59.4%, respectively. These results indicated that application of livestock manure instead of chemical fertilizer to the soil of forage crops might not only improve yields of DM and TDN, but also reduce environmental pollution by producing organic roughages through recycling of livestock manure.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.27-41
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• 2014

This study aims to investigate the history, cultural values prototype through literature analysis, characteristics of construction, location, space structure and landscape characteristics by Arc-GIS on the Munam pavilion(聞巖亭) in Changnyeong. The results were as follows. First, Shin-cho((辛礎, 1549~1618) is the builder of the Munam pavilion and builder's view of nature is to go back to nature. The period of formation of Munam pavilion is between 1608-1618 as referred from document of retire from politics and build a pavilion. Secondly, Munam pavilion is surrounded by mountains and located at the top of steep slope. Pavilion was known as scenic site of the area. But damaged in a past landscape is caused by near the bridge, agricultural facilities, town, the Kye-sung stream of masonry and beams. Thirdly, Munam pavilion is divided into the main space, which is located on the pavilion, space in located on the pavilion east and west and the orient space, which is located on the Youngjeonggak. Of these, original form of Munam pavilion is a simple structure composed of pavilion and Munam rock, thus at the time of the composition seems to be a direct entry is possible, unlike the current entrance. Fourth, Spatial composition of Munam pavilion is divided into vegetation such as Lagerstroemia indica trees in Sa-ri in Changnyeong, ornament such as letters carved on the rocks and pavilion containing structure. The vegetation around the building is classified as precincts and outside of the premises. Planting of precincts was limited. Outside of area consists of front on the pavilion, which is covered with Lagerstroemia Indica forest and Pinus densiflora forest at the back of the pavilion. Ofthese,LargeLagerstroemiaIndicaforestcorrespondstothenaturalheritageasHistoricalrecordsofrarespeciesresourcesthatareassociated withbuilder. Letterscarvedontherocksrepresenttheboundaryof space, which is close to the location of the Munam pavilion and those associated with the builder as ornaments. Letters carved on the rocks front on the pavilion are rare cases that are made sequentially with a constant direction and rules as act of record for families to honor the achievements. Fifth, 'The eight famous spots of Munam' is divided into landscape elements that have nothing to do with bearing 4 places and landscape elements that have to do with bearing 4 places. Unrelated bearings of landscape elements are Lagerstroemia indica trees in Sa-ri in Changnyeong, Pinus densiflora forest at the back of the pavilion, Okcheon valley, Gwanryongsa temple and Daeheungsa temple. Bearing that related element of absolute orientation, which is corresponding to the elements are Daeheungsa temple, Hwawangsan mountain, Kye-sung stream and Yeongchwisan mountain. Relative bearing is Gwanryongsa temple, Yeongchwisan mountain and Kye-sung stream Gongjigi hill. At Lagerstroemia indica trees in Sa-ri in Changnyeong, Pinus densiflora forest at the back of the pavilion, Kye-sung stream and Okcheon valley, elements are exsting. Currently, it is difficult to confirm the rest of the landscape elements. Because, it is a generic element that reliable estimate of the target and locations are impossible for element. Munam pavilion is made for turn to nature by Shin-cho(辛礎). That was remained a record such as Munamzip(聞巖集) and Munamchungueirok(聞巖忠義錄) that is relating to construction of pavilion. Munam pavilion located in a unique form, archival culture through the letters carved on the rocks and Large Lagerstroemia indica forest and through eight famous spots, cultural landscape elements can be assumed that those elements are remained.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.93-100
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• 2007

This study was conducted to determine the effects of different levels (10, 12 and 15%) of crude protein (CP) in total mixed ration (TMR) on dry matter intake, digestibility and nitrogen balance of Korean black goats in the stage of early pregnancy and to obtain information on their optimal dietary levels of CP. In the present study, 12 Does of Korean black goats in the early pregnancy were allotted to four unreplicated groups by dietary level of CP and then they were housed in individual metabolism cages with completely randomized design throughout 30 days with 20 days adaptation and 10 days collection periods. Does in Control were fed a conventional diet and does in TMR10, TMR12 and TMR15 were fed a diet adjusted to about 10, 12 and 15% CP, respectively. Dry matter(DM) contents ranged from 89 to 91% in treatments. There were no differences fur fiber contents among three CP levels of TMR, showing that ADF and NDF had 18.57 to 19.85, and 53.41 to 54.80, respectively. Crude protein contents for three TMR treaements had 10.61, 12.15 and 14.97%, respectively. However, non-fibrous carbohydrate (NFC) contents decreased with increasing CP levels in treatments. Meanwhile, Intakes of DM, nutrients and digestible nutrients were significantly (p<0.05) higher in TMR15 and control than in TMR10 and TMR12. Moreover, DM intake per metabolic body weight and theit ratio per body weight was significantly (p<0.05) higher for control and TMR15 than other treatments. DM digestibility was not significantly different among treatments, but ether extract digestibility of treatments was significantly (p<0.05) higher than that of control, but there was no significant difference among treatments. Nitrogen retention significantly (p<0.05) increased with increasing CP levels in TMR, and TMR15 was highest among treatments. Our results showed that the increasing CP levels in TMR increased DM intake and nitrogen retention and suggested that the optimal dietary CP levels under TMR feeding system in early pregnant Korean black goats could be estimated for at least 15%.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.40 no.5
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• pp.605-622
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• 2007

Elemental, Rock-Eval pyrolysis and isotopic analysis of the core sediments from the northwestern and eastern Ulleung Basin of the East were carried out to identify their geochemical characteristics, spatial and vertical variation and origin of organic matter in Upper Quaternary sediments from the northwestern and eastern Ulleung Basin of the East Sea. TOC, m and TS did not show spatial variation between the sampling locations whereas they showed systematic vertical variation associated with MIS stages related to the sea-level change of the East Sea. It is suggested that these past changes of sea-level influenced the sedimentary depositional environments and/or diagenesis which resulted the patterns observed in this study. Based on the results of TOC/N, TS/TOC, ${\delta}^{13}C_{org}\;and\;{\delta}^{15}N_{org}$ analysis, organic matters in the study area appears to be predominantly originated from the marine algae rather than land plant and deposited under normal marine oxic condition during MIS I and MIS III period, and under euxinic/anoxic condition during MIS II period. TOC/N, ${\delta}^{13}C_{org}\;and\;{\delta}^{15}N_{org}$ have a relatively constant value irrespective of MIS stages, implying that the organic matter source does not change by the sea-level fluctuations. However, the results of Rock-Eval pyrolysis indicates that the organic matter is in immature stage and originated from land-plant (Type III), locating in the immature stage land plant (Type III). Similar differences were reported from other areas such as the Atlantic Ocean, Iberia Abyssal Plain, Mediterranean Sea, suggesting that Rock-Eval method does not exactly reflect the characteristic of immature organic matters. Accordingly, the application of Rock-Eval pyrolysis for delineating the source of immature organic matters should be approached with caution and all other geochemical proxies should be considered altogether at the same time.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Food Science of Animal Resources Conference
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• 1998.10a
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• pp.83-106
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• 1998

This study was conducted to investigate the probiotics(acid and bile resistance, fermentation properties, viability, cholesterol assimilation, antimicrobial activity, antimutagenicity, and immunoactivation) of the strains of bifidobacteria isolated from healthy Koreans and to investigate the effects of oral administration of Bifidobacterium longum A-2 on the fecal microflora, ${\beta}-glucuronidase$ activity, pH values, Ammonia concentration. The experimental results are summarized as follows: The probiotics were tested for 23 strains including three commer챠al strains as controls. Compared to other strains, strains of A-2 and A-9 showed more acid resistance whereas A-2, A-5, A-13, A-14, A-18 and A-22 showed excellent bile resistances. The properties of bifidobacteria during fermentation were tested. Strains of A-1, A-2, A-3, A-4, A-6, and A-23 resulted in less than pH 4.5 and titratable acidity over 0.90 after 24 hr of fermentation. When the strains of A-2 was grown with glucose, maltose, and fructooligosaccharide, the acetic acid production were higher than with sorbitol and mannitol. The storage stability of the strains of A-2 and A-22 were tesed, indicating the strain A-2 was more stable over 10 days of storage at both $4^{\circ}C$ and $20^{\circ}C$ than A-22. The strains of A-8, A-10, A-11, A-12 and A-20 assimilated more than 30% of cholesterol included in the media. The strains of A-1 and A-2 showed antimicrobial activity against Sta. aureus. The antimutagenicity of the strains were also tested, showing that the mutation was suppressed more by three strains(A-2, A-12, and A-23). In addition, strain A-5 improved immunological activity(phagocytosis, $TNF-{\alpha}$, IL-6) more than other strains. In the effects of oral administration of Bif. longum A-2, the number of fecal bifidobacteria was siginificantly increased(p<0.01) and the level of fecal ${\beta}-glucuronidase$ also was siginificantly reduced(p<0.05). However there were no siginificant differences in the level of Lαctobacilli, Enterobacteriaceae, Clostridium perfringens, pH and ammonia by the administration. The results suggested that Bif. longum A-2 may be met the criteria for probiotics culture.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.90-102
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• 2012

Sansuyucheop by Heojoobugun(虛舟府君) as the subject of this study is a 십이-width picture album by the eldest grandson of 11 generations for Goseong Lee family, Lee Jong Ak(李宗岳: 1726-1773), a figure having five habits(五癖) for ancient documents(古書癖), playing the gayageum(彈琴癖), flowering plant(花卉癖), paintings and calligraphic works(書畵癖) and boating(舟遊癖) etc., who boated with 18 relatives, and those by marriage from old home, home of mother's side, wife's home, and his home for 5 days Apr. 4 through 8, 1763, starting from Imcheonggak, through Yangjeong(羊汀), Chiltan(七灘), Sabin Auditorium(泗濱書院), Seonchang(船倉), Nakyeon(落淵), Seonchal(仙刹), Seonyujeong(仙遊亭), Mongseongak(夢仙閣), Baekwoonjeong(白雲亭) and Naeap Village(川前里), Iho(伊湖), Seoeodae(鮮魚帶) to the returning point, Bangujeong(伴鷗亭), cruised magnificent views around Banbyeoncheon called 'Andong 8 Gyeong' or 'Imhagugok', and whenever the boat anchored, appreciated the scenery at each point, and enjoyed and loved arts playing the geomungo. This study reached following findings through grasping physical, ecological, visual and aesthetic changes about the places, sceneries, plant elements and past and current scenery of the width pictures expressed at this Sansuyucheop. The refinement on the boat seeing the clear river water, white sand beach, fantastically-shaped cliffs expressed at this Sansuyucheop, exchanging poems and calligraphies, and enjoying the geomungo is a good example displaying the play culture of high-class in Joseon Dynasty. Also construction of Imha Dam and Andong Dam has caused serious visual and ecological changes, making us not enable to feel the original mood of the background spots such as Yangjeonggwabeom(羊汀過帆), Chiltanhuseon(七灘候船), Sasubeomjoo(泗水泛舟), Seonchanggyeram(船倉繫纜), Nakyeonmosaek(落淵莫色), Mangcheonguido(輞川歸棹), Ihojeongdo(伊湖停棹), but only discern then landscape or sentiment through the landscape described at the canvas. The 1st picture(Donghohaeram, 東湖解纜), and the 11th picture(Seoeobanjo, 鮮魚返照) of Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop expressed trees thought to be fallen, brad-leaf tall trees, and the 9th picture(Unjeongpungbeom, 雲亭風帆) formed a pine forest called 'Gaeho(開湖)' by Uncheongong planting 1,000 pine trees with the village people in 1617. In addition, Seunggyeongdo expressed ever-green needle leaf trees at the natural topography, and fallen-leaf tall trees around the pavilion and building. Comparative consideration of Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop and Shinam's Dongyusipsogi(東遊十小記) showed that the location of Samgok is assumed to be Macheon and Chiltan, so Imhagugok is assumed to start from Baekunjeong of Ilgok, Igok from Imcheon and Imcheon auditorium, Samgok from Mangcheon and Chiltan, Sagok from Sabin Auditorium of Sasoo, Ogok from Songseok, Yukgok from Sooseok of Seonchang, Chilgok from Nakyeonhyeonryu, Palgok from Seonchalsa and Seonyoojeong, and Gugok from Pyong Yuheo. This study can be significant in that it could clarify that Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop is judged to be valuable in exquisitively expressing the coast of Banbyeon River, the biggest branch stream in the Nakdong River at the latter half of Joseon Dynasty, and as a vital diagrammatical historical data to make a comparative analysis of currently rarely-seen ancestors' life traces and landscape factors with present ones.