• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.138-161
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• 2011

The 'Jwasuyeongseongji' (Site of naval wall-fortress in Suyeong) in Busan is the subject of this study. It has been desturbed mostly, and is named 'Suyeong historic site'. One of the important aspects of 'Jwasuyeongseongji' is that it was a historic place confronting with the Japanese Invasion of Chosun in 1592. This was the place where the Japanese Invasion of Chosun broke out and a number of people were slaughtered by the Japanese invaders. Now the place is converted to a playground. Although 'Jwasuyeongseongji' is the place of historic interest, the forest area is separated by paths and sidewalks. Further, there are sports facilities and relaxing people. Examples of advanced countries show that the abuse like Jwaisuyeongseongji is thoroughly prohibited. Although the Dangsan forest of jwasuyeongseongji remains in the megalopolis of Busan, it has been damaged and abused in spite of being a historic site. Nevertheless, Jwasuyeongseongji is an invaluable traditional cultural heritage. The objective of this study was to search for solutions of authenticity restoration for the remains of Dangsan forest at Jwasuyeongseongji in Busan. The Dangsan forest at Jwasuyeongseongji is a forest of Pinus thunbergii in an area of $130{\times}230m$. Jwasuyeongseongji is currently named Suyeong historic park, and is registered as monuments No. 8 by Suyeong-gu, Busan. The two Dangsan trees at Jwasuyeongseongji are registered as natural monuments No. 270 and No. 311. The complex management system needs to be designated as 'Dangsan forest of Jwasuyeongseongji in Busan', and managed as a natural monument or national historic site. Dangsan forest has a meaning of divine place. Therefore, the artificial facilities need to be removed from Dangsan forest so that the original features are restored with the spirit of Jwasuyeongseongji. Also, the administration needs to be transfered from Suyeong-gu, Busan to the Cultural Heritage Administration.

• Proceedings of the Plant Resources Society of Korea Conference
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• 2019.10a
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• pp.9-10
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• 2019

순천만은 순천시의 남쪽에 위치하여 여수반도와 고흥반도의 사이에 있는 만 지형 형태로 만 전체를 순천만이라고도 하나, 보통 고흥군반도와 여수반도 사이의 만을 여자만이라 하고 만내부에 위치한 여자도라는 섬의 위쪽으로 순천시의 해안하구에 형성된 지역을 순천만이라 일컫는다. 순천만은 순천시에서 유입되는 동천과 이사천 및 해룡천의 하류에 형성되어 있어서 육지부에서 유입되는 퇴적물과 유기물로 인하여 갯벌과 갈대등이 잘 형성된 습지로서 2003년 12월 31일 해양수산부 갯벌 습지보존지역으로 지정되어 관리되고 있으며, 2004년에는 동북아 두루미 보호 국제네트워크에 가입하였고, 2006년 1월 국내 연안습지로는 최초로 람사르협약에 "Suncheon Bay"로 등록되었으며, 2016년 6월에는 람사르습지로 지정된 국내외적으로 중요한 습지이다. 순천만습지에 형성되어 있는 갯벌($28.0km^2$)은 세계 5대 연안습지 중 하나로서, 넓은 사니질 갯벌과 갈대군락이 잘 발달되어 있는 생태계의 보고(寶庫)이자 소중한 생태자원으로서, 순천시에서는 순천만을 자연생태공원으로 지정하여 보호 관리하고 있으며, 각종 자연학습자료들과 영상물들을 갖춘 생태전시관과 갈대숲 탐방로, 용산전망대, 야생화 정원, 담수습지, 갈대정자, 갯벌관찰대 등 사계절 생태체험을 위한 각종 시설들을 잘 갖춰놓고 많은 관광객의 이용할 수 있도록 하고 있다. 갯벌은 바닷가의 넓은 벌판이란 뜻으로서 삼면이 바다인 우리나라는 갯벌의 전체 면적이 약 $2,500km^2$에 달하는데 여기에는 많은 종류의 다양한 생물들이 살아가고 있으며 어민들의 생계에 지대한 영향을 주고있다. 이러한 갯벌은 퇴적된 입자의 구성에 따라 펄갯벌, 모래갯벌, 혼합갯벌 등으로 구별되는데 이에 따라 갯벌 생태계를 구성하고 있는 생물들의 종류도 바뀌게 된다. 순천만갯벌과 여기에 조성되어 있는 습지환경에 따라 확인되고 있는 수산자원으로는 새꼬막, 꼬막, 눈알고둥, 갯고둥, 비툴이고둥, 돌조개, 접시조개, 새알조개, 가무락조개, 바지락, 우럭, 가재붙이, 방게, 칠게, 농게 등의 저서 생물들과 짱뚱어, 문절망둑 등의 어류가 있으며, 해조류로 우뭇가사리 등이 있고, 인근의 어민들의 어업형태는 꼬막 등 패류의 채취나 종패를 뿌려 일정기간 양성하여 수확하는 양식업, 육상부에서 폐염전 등을 활용한 전어나 새우 등을 양식하는 양식업, 수산물을 직접 손이나 간단한 도구를 이용하여 잡는 맨손 어업 형태가 주를 이루고 있는 것으로 나타나고 있다. 이와 같이 국내외적으로 중요할 뿐만 아니라 인근의 어민들의 생계에도 지대한 영향을 미치고 있는 순천만의 습지는 뻘층이 깊고, 분해성 미생물이 다양하게 서식하여 유기물 분해능력이 뛰어나며, 유기영양분이 풍부하여 우리나라에서 가장 질이 좋은 습지로 평가되고 있으나, 순천시 등 순천만 인근에 거주하고 있는 인간의 활동에 따른 간섭에 많은 영향을 받고 있으며, 이에 따라 끊임없는 생태환경이 변화하고 있어서 순천만의 효율적인 보전 및 지속가능한 이용을 위해서는 생태계에서 가장 기본적인 요소인 수 저질 환경의 지속적이고 체계적인 조사 및 관리가 필요하다. 한편, 오염물질의 70% 이상은 하천이나 강을 통해서 해역으로 유입된다고 알려져 있기 때문에 생태계의 보고(寶庫)라고 알려진 순천만의 지속적인 보존 및 관리를 위해서는 유입수계 하천의 수질현황 및 오염물질의 주요 배출원을 파악하고, 이에 대한 저감대책을 수립할 필요가 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 순천만의 수저질 특성과 여기에 유입되는 하천의 수질환경 현황 및 오염원을 파악함으로써 순천만의 보전을 위한 효율적 관리방안을 제시하는 것을 목적으로 수행되었다. 연구의 결과에 따르면, 순천만의 수질평가지수에 의한 등급(WQI)은 III등급으로 나타나고 있으며, 득량만, 광양만 등에 비해 비교적 높은 유기물 및 T-N, T-P의 농도 분포를 보이고 있는 것으로 조사되었다. 이는 순천만에 유입되는 하수종말처리장의 방류수와 도시하수가 유입되어 그대로 방류되고 있는 해룡천 및 연안에 위치한 어촌으로부터 직접 방류되고 있는 일부 정화조 유출수 등, 다양한 원인에 의한 것으로 판단되며 이들의 관리가 부실할 경우 순천만의 갯벌과 습지의 지속가능한 생태환경유지는 쉽지 않다. 따라서 이를 효율적으로 관리하기 위해서는 순천만 연안의 오염물질 방류를 총량관리로 전환하여 철저히 관리하는 것이 필요할 것으로 판단된다.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.93-123
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• 2017

The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.287-325
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• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.