• Journal of Nutrition and Health
• /
• v.50 no.1
• /
• pp.74-84
• /
• 2017

Purpose: In this study, factors of metabolic syndrome and nutritional status were examined according to gender and occupations using the 2013 Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (KNHANES). Methods: This study was conducted on 1,750 workers (male : 892, female : 858) aged between 30 and 64, who participated in a health survey, health examination, and nutrition survey using the 6th 2013 KNHANES. Occupations were classified into white collar and blue collar workers, and nutrient intake was analyzed using a food frequency questionnaire. Analysis of complex sample design data through SPSS 19.0 was used for analysis. Results: The prevalence rate of metabolic syndrome among blue collar (35.1%) was higher than that among white collar workers (26.8%) in male subjects (p < 0.05) as well as in blue collar (24.8%) compared to white collar workers (8.9%) in female subjects (p < 0.001). Intake frequency per week, considering one portion by food category, showed significant differences in cooked rice (p < 0.05) and bakeries and confectioneries (p < 0.05) in make workers as well as stew and casserole (p < 0.01) and fruits (p < 0.05) in female workers. With regard to nutrient intake by occupation and gender, white collar workers consumed a greater amount of nutrients (not including total energy intake) compared to blue collar workers in both male and female workers. With regard to nutrient adequacy ratio (NAR) and mean adequacy ratio (MAR) according to gender and occupation, white collar workers showed higher numbers than blue collar workers in both male and female subjects. Conclusions: This study examined the prevalence rates of metabolic syndrome and nutrient intake according to gender and occupation. In both male and female subjects, blue collar workers showed higher prevalence rates compared to white collar workers, and their diet quality was worse than white collar workers' diet quality. Considering this result, customized nutrition education according to gender and occupation should be provided to workers to prevent diseases.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
• /
• v.30 no.3
• /
• pp.217-226
• /
• 2015

This study was conducted to establish a standardized process for developing food safety health indicators. With this aim, we proposed a standardized process, accessed the validity of the suggested process by performing simulations, and provided a method to utilize the indicators. Developing process for domestic environmental health indicators was benchmarked to propose a standardized process for developing food safety health indicators, and DPSEEA framework was applied to the development of indicators. The suggested standardized process consists of an exploitation stage and a management stage. In the exploitation stage, a total of 6 procedures (initial indicators suggestion, candidate indicators selection, data availability assessment, feasibility assessment, pilot study, and final indicator selection) are conducted, and the indicators are routinely calculated and officially announced in the management stage. The exploitation stage is operated by an interaction between a task force team who manages the overall process, and an advisory committee (minimum of 4 in academia, 2 in research, 4 in specialists of Ministry of Food and Drug Safety) who reviews and performs evaluations on the indicators. The standardized process was simulated with 45 initial indicators, and total of 4 indicators (17 detailed indicators) were selected: 'Proportion of domestic fruit/vegetable receiving 'acceptable' in the evaluation of pesticide/herbicide residues', 'Food-borne disease outbreaks', 'Food-borne legal infectious disease incidence', 'Salmonellosis incidence'. Synthetic food safety health index was derived by calculating percent difference with the data from 2010 to 2012. Results showed that when comparing the year 2010 to 2011, and 2011 to 2012, the overall food safety status improved by 10.37% and 9.87%, respectively. In addition, the contribution of indicators to the overall food safety status can be determined by looking into the individual indicators, and the synthetic index may be illustrated to enhance the ease of interpretation to the public and policy makers. In overall, food health safety indicators can be useful in many ways and therefore, attention should be drawn to conduct further studies and establish related legislations.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
• /
• v.30 no.3
• /
• pp.227-235
• /
• 2015

Food-Health indicators have been developed and utilized internationally in the 'Food' domain of environment and health indicators. In Korea, however, Food Safety Health Indicators which are in the introductory stage had been developed separately from Environmental Health Indicators. The aim of the current study is to suggest feasible applications of the domestic Food Safety Health Indicators as a case study. We introduced 3 possible applications which are as follows: 1) production of two types of Integrated Food Safety Health Index; 2) conduction of correlation analysis between the Integrated Food Safety Health Index and Food Safety Health Indicators; 3) conduction of regression analysis to evaluate the relationship between the Integrated Food Safety Health Index and socioeconomic status. As a result, we provided the calculated Integrated Food Safety Health Index I and Integrated Food Safety Health Index II, which represents the regional food safety level in relative and absolute terms, respectively. Integrated Food Safety Health Index I was significantly correlated with the outbreaks of food-borne diseases (caused by Campylobacter jejuni, Bacillus cereus, Salmonella spp. and unknown cause) and incidence of E.coli infections. Integrated Food Safety Health Index II significantly decreased as the proportion of foreigners and women increased, and increased as the population density increased. Utilization of such Integrated Food Safety Health Indicators may be helpful in understanding the overall domestic food safety level and identifying the indicators which must be considered with priorities to enhance the food safety levels regionally and domestically. Furthermore, analyzing the association between Integrated Food Safety Health Index and factors other than food safety could be useful in conducting risk management and identifying susceptible populations. Food Safety Health Indicators can be useful in other applications, and may serve as a supporting material in establishing or modifying policy plans to enhance food safety. Therefore, keen interests by researchers accompanied by further studies on food safety health indicators are needed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.48 no.3
• /
• pp.60-79
• /
• 2015

The study examined reconstruction and building plan of Buyeo Muryangsa Temple in the 17th century and reviewed its construction process and supporting power since the Imjin War of 1592. In addition, The architectural features and design plan of Geukrakjeon that is the most important position in the reconstruction were examined. The reconstruction process of Muryangsa Temple is as follows. Firstly, the study reviewed the reconstruction order of Muryangsa Temple that was progressed in a short period of time from 1624 to 1636. In doing so, the reconstruction period was adjusted from 1633 to 1624 so that the construction order of Muryangsa Temple might be the reconstruction of Geukrakjeon in 1624, Gwaebul in 1627, Sojosamjonbul in 1636 and Beomjong in 1636. Secondly, as the reconstruction of Muryangsa Temple was progressed in a short period of time of 13 years, it was assumed there was great supporting power. In particular, it was found that Jinmukdaesa who lead the construction of Wanju Songgwangsa Temple had an impact on the construction of Muryangsa Temple.It was conjectured that Shin family of the royal family as the supporting power of Songgwangsa through the support of Jinmukdaesa had an impact on Muryangsa Temple. Thirdly, the study reviewed architectural features of Geukrakjeon which has the most important meaning of the reconstruction of Muryangsa Temple. By comparing other reconstructed temples, the architectural style of Muryangsa Temple was examined. In particular, features of Gongpo and furniture were reviewed. In doing so, Muryangsa Temple, the study proposed a possibility that Geukrakjeon would be constructed by an artisan in the same genealogy of Wanju Hwasamsa Temple Geukrakjeon. Finally, the design plan of the building was reviewed with Yongcheok of 309mm used for the construction of Geukrakjeon. Geukrakjeon had perfect proportion compared with other reconstructed temple in the late Joseon period, and golden ratio of 1:1.41 was applied in many areas of building. the study also proposed that the stable design of Geukrakjeon was carried out by the building plan of overall Garam at the time of reconstruction of Muryangsa Temple in the late Joseon period.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
• /
• v.27 no.4
• /
• pp.510-520
• /
• 2021

To understand the status of organic matter and heavy metal pollution in surface sediment of a fish farming area, we have measured the concentrations of total organic carbon (TOC), total nitrogen (TN), and heavy metals (As, Cd, Cr, Cu, Fe, Hg, Mn, Pb, and Zn) in surface sediments of a fish farming area near Tongyoung-Geoje coast. The mean concentrations of TOC and TN were 22.7 mg/g and 3.4 mg/g, respectively, and were much higher than those in surface sediments of a semi-enclosed bay in the southern coast of Korea. The mean concentrations of As, Cd, Cr, Cu, Fe, Hg, Mn, Pb, and Zn were 10.5 mg/kg, 0.37 mg/kg, 82.9 mg/kg, 127 mg/kg, 4.19%, 0.041 mg/kg, 596 mg/kg, 39.5 mg/kg, and 175 mg/kg, respectively, and the mean concentrations of Cd and Cu were three times higher than those in surface sediments of shellfish farming area in the southeastern coast of Korea. In addition, the concentrations of TOC and corrected Cu exceeded the values of sediment quality guidelines applied in Korea, and pollution load index (PLI) and ecological risk index (ERI) showed that the metal concentrations in the sediments of some fish farming area have a strongly negative ecological impact on benthic organisms, although most metal concentrations did not exceed the sediment quality guidelines. Based on overall assessment results, the surface sediments of fish farming areas in the study region are polluted with organic matter and some heavy metals. Thus, a comprehensive management plan is necessary to improve the sedimentary environments, identify primary contamination sources, and reduce the input of pollution load for organic matter and heavy metals in the sediments of fish farming areas.

• The Journal of Engineering Geology
• /
• v.32 no.3
• /
• pp.411-420
• /
• 2022

Recently, research using remote sensing has been active in various fields such as environment, science, and society. The results of research using remote sensing are not only numerical results, but also play an important role in solving and preventing social and scientific problems. The purpose of this thesis is to tell the correlation between the data provided and each data by using remote sensing technology for the tidal flat environment. The purpose of this study is to obtain high-resolution data using artificial satellites during remote sensing to find out information on tidal flat currents. Tidal flats created by erosion, sedimentation, low tide, and high tide contain information about the tidal flat slope and information about the ecosystem. Therefore, it can be considered as one of the very important studies to analyze the overall tidal flow channel. This paper creates a DEM (Digital Elevation Model) through TanDEM-X, and DEM is used as the most basic data to create a tidal channel. The research area is a tidal flat located in the middle of the west coast of Ganghwado tidal flat. By analyzing the tidal channel created, various information such as the slope direction of Ganghwado tidal flat and the shape of the tidal channel can be grasped. It is expected that the results of this study will increase the importance and necessity of using DEM data for tidal flat research in the future, and that high-quality results can be obtained.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
• /
• v.36 no.6
• /
• pp.582-591
• /
• 2022

This study was conducted to eliminate Myocastor coypusMolina, 1782 (Nutria) from Jeju Special Self-Governing Province, South Korea. Habitat identification and eradication were carried out from September to November 2013, and a survey was carried out until June 2022 to check whether the eradication was successful. The habitat was identified with unmanned cameras, interviews, and literature surveys, and the capture was performed using the trapping method with food to attract nutria to the habitat area. The study area for the follow-up survey, which was set relatively wide considering nutria's home range, included wetlands and rivers within 4.0 km² of the habitat area (eradication area). As a result, nutria's habitat was confirmed only at Songdang Ranch, Songdang-ri, of Jeju Island, with traces of habitat (footprints, excrement, and burrows) confirmed in waterways and ponds within the pasture. Eight individuals were captured, including four females, three males, and one individual in too advanced a state of decay to identify the sex. The follow-up survey thoroughly investigated the habitat and its surroundings, focusing on three areas with permanent water, Seongeup Reservoir, Cheonmi Creek, and Molsuni Pond, but no signs of habitat were identified. Therefore, it is determined that nutria inhabiting Jeju Island has been completely eradicated. It is believed that the successful eradication of nutria in the Jeju Special Autonomous Region was possible due to a synergy between 1) the eradication of nutria at the beginning of the settlement phase through rapid capture after confirming the nutria habitat and 2) the delayed expansion period because of rare presence of wetlands, where water is constantly stagnant, on Jeju Island. These results imply that quickly identifying the ecological characteristics of the species and preventing disturbances before they or at the beginning of the ecological disturbance through control and eradication at the initial stage of settlement before the expansion stage is an effective measure to cope with the influx of alien species.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.56 no.1
• /
• pp.46-61
• /
• 2023

Various Buddhist metal artifacts were excavated from the Heungjeon-ri Temple site from 2014 to 2020, such as gilt-bronze openwork decorations, a bronze kundika, a lion incense burner with a handle and lion weight, and so on. The gilt-bronze openwork decoration founded from the main hall of the western area is believed to have been used for the decoration of the Buddhist temple, and it is considered to be the best example of the gilt-bronze openwork decorations of the unified Silla that have been discovered so far. The incense burner with a handle and lion weight excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple site is the earliest example of the style. The bronze kundikas excavated at the Heungjeon-ri Temple site have a more developed style than those of Ingaksa Temple. The bronze bowl and bronze bowl with a lid are similar to those excavated from the Anapji, Hwangryongsa Temple site, and Inwangdong Temple site. So these bronze vessels seem to have spread from the capital city to the provinces. Bronze seals excavated from the Heungjeon-ri Temple site are similar to those of the Hwangnyongsa Temple site in form and font. So, it was considered that they were produced and sent by the royal palace. In addition, "梵雄官衙之印" on the seal can be said to show that Heungjeonri Temple site was related to the organization of the monks at the time. The Buddhist metal artifacts excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple site are believed to have been used from the early to mid-9th century at the temple by the Seon Order monk who was the main character of the monument. It can be said to be an important example of how the royal palace of Unified Silla and local crafts had a two-way influence, not a one-way influence, from the first half to the middle of the 9th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.50 no.4
• /
• pp.4-19
• /
• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.104
• /
• pp.10-39
• /
• 2023

Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.