• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.201-243
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• 2018

Understanding the theory of how a religion accepts the perspective on death is a prerequisite to grasp the identity and characteristics of such religion. Furthermore, contemplating the perspective on death, itself has a significant meaning as the contemplation provides an insight on how religion has, currently is and how it would influence the practical life of the human race. This current study compares and analyzes the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. By comparing the perspectives on death, this study seeks to conclude the similarity and discrepancy of New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. The objective of this study is to summarize the religious characteristic and identity of New Religions of Jeungsan, and the social role of New Religions of Jeungsan. How does New Religions of Jeungsan preach afterlife? This question implies varieties of questions including: In what shape or form does human exist in afterlife?; Does human maintain their original identity in afterlife?; What happens to relations with family members in afterlife?; What is one's role in afterlife, and what would one experience in afterlife? or Does soul transmigrate or are reborn? This current study compares the answers to these questions one by one with Confucianism and Taoism.In general, this current study was conducted with a non-religious methodology. Death can be explained in three different domains: the psychological domain explaining the individual psychological awareness upon encountering death; the philosophical-religious domain explaining the death through the philosophical understanding of the human concept; and the socio-cultural domain explaining death through the social ceremonies upon death.This current study focuses on the philosophical domain of the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, with a comparison of the socio-cultural significance. To understand the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, It is indispensable to explain the five key elements of Hon(魂), Baek (魄), Shin(神), Young(靈) and Seon(仙) that construe death. The perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan imposes a multi layer of acceptance and overcoming. This current study complements the problems and limits of previous studies by comparison with Confucianism and Taoism. Throughout this process, this current study intends to highlight the key elements of the perspective on death preached by Deasunjinrihoe, and identify the aspects of each key element. With the sophisticated discussion of the perspective on death provided by New Religions of Jeungsan with clarity, this current study will provide grounds for future studies to extract, in detail, the aspects of the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, in further subjects including: discussions on death such as rituals for death, treatment of bodies, funerals, educating death, euthanasia, or suicide; discussions on the existence of hell; discussions on psychological aspects of ones who encounter death; or discussions on rebirth of those who died during the creation era. This current study will provide an overview on what kind of perspective on death does those who are faithful to New Religions of Jeungsan have and currently are living their life with.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.129-162
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• 2017

This article examines the form of hell and the nature of literary works in the late Joseon period. 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' divides a sinner into a man and a woman, and presents a virtue of goodness to a man and an item of evil to a woman. The elements of virtue and malice are both Buddhist ethical norms and Confucian ethical norms. Hell-related novels have common features that emphasize the ethical norms that should be kept in daily life through the causes of hell, though the patterns of punishment and their reasons are slightly different depending on the works. And 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' and these works are generally shown by reducing the punishment pixel of hell compared to the cause of hell. This characteristic shows that the literary works of the late Joseon literature related to hell were mainly aimed at providing or educating ethical virtues centered on 'Samgangwol(三綱五倫)' through sanctions of 'Hell' widely known to the general public. The emphasis on Confucian ethics is not limited to works of literature related to hell. In the nineteenth century, when these works were created and circulated, there is a surge in the number of chapters and publications of books for Confucian Indoctrination, Didactic Gasa, and Goodness Books, which emphasize Confucian ethics. Such a strengthening of the Confucian ethical consciousness can be attributed to the crisis of the 19th century Joseon society about the social confusion that threatens the existing system. In particular, the creation and circulation of literary works related to hell in the late Joseon period is related to the dissemination and spread of Catholicism. In the end, the hell shape of the late Joseon literature reflects the crisis of social confusion faced by Joseon society in the nineteenth century. Therefore, it can be said that it has the character of literary response to the prevalent diffusion of Catholicism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.259-294
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• 2014

The key concept of political thoughts of Confucianism is 'Tian(天)=the Heaven' and 'Ren(人)=the Human being'. In particular, the meaning of 'the Heaven(天)' is profoundly exclusive in Confucianism in comparison to the other concepts. It is because that 'the Heaven' is connected with 'Ri(理)' which explains the human being and the heaven metaphysically, and the discussions about those concepts have also been widening to the political field. And if the concept of 'the Heaven's nature(天命)' is excluded, it is difficult for us to discuss the essence of political thought of Confucianism. This paper argued how the politicalization of 'the Heaven' which was private dimension of monarch in the strict sense, changed to the public dimension of people in Japan in the early 18th century through some theories of the two famous philosopher, Ito-Jinsai(伊藤仁齋) and Ogyu-Sorai(荻生?徠) who belonged to the 'Kogakuha(古學派)'. The doctrines of Chu-tzu(朱子學) has hold absolute authority over the history of the oriental political thoughts. But the authority have gone through the stage of disorganization in a unique space called Eto(江戶) era of Japan. Therefore, the interpretations and concept establishments in a new dimension are naturally formed in that periods about 'Min(民)=People'. Based on discussions like this, the purpose of this paper is to study how those movements are emerged in what kinds of thinking and debating process. In part of Ito-Jinsai, this paper have reconsidered the concept of 'People' which Jinsai had thought and examined closely with critical mind about 'In(仁)=Mercy'. In case of Ogyu-Sorai, this paper have argued his political theory of 'the welfare of the people in the nation(安民天下)', in clarifying with the concept of 'the Roads of the Saint(先王의 道)' and the meaning about his declaration that "the Six Scripture(六經) is things(物)". The meaning of political view of this two philosopher is in the point to suggest some kinds of cure for problems of those days with the former days values. In the Jinsai's doctrine, that cure is 'the realization of the rule of right(王道)' based on new interpretation of 'Mersy'. And in case of Sorai, that is a form of independence of politics from morality based on 'the Roads of the Saint'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.203-236
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• 2017

The objective of this study is to suggest the transmission direction and tasks of Ssireum, and the conclusions are like below. First, Ssireum has been designated as a national intangible cultural heritage(No.131) in December 2016. Second, in the current status of preservation and spread of Ssireum, there is no system related to the transmission of Ssireum such as cultivation of professional manpower, and facilities, programs, and administration/finance for transmitting Ssireum. Third, based on the "Intangible Cultural Heritage Preservation & Promotion Act", the transmission direction of Ssireum was suggested. (1)The designation of a college to transmit Ssireum would be needed. (2)The Ssireum curriculum should be established. (3) It would be necessary to secure trainees for transmitting Ssireum. (4)The production of teaching materials for transmitting Ssireum would be needed. (5)It would be needed to secure training institutes designated in each region and also teaching personnels for transmitting Ssireum. (6)The research direction for the correct transmission of Ssireum should be set up. Fourth, based on the "Ssireum Promotion Act", the transmission direction of Ssireum was suggested. (1)It is urgent to complement provisions for transmitting Ssireum. (2)For the transmission of Ssireum, instead of the transmission direction of Ssireum as a national intangible cultural heritage in the standardized perspective, it would be necessary to seek for the joint transmission direction between South & North Korea for research & documentation of Ssireum that could be systematized/shared between South & North Korea, development/spread of contents for discovering the original form of Ssireum, and the establishment of a base of transmission system for the preservation/promotion of Ssireum through the academic/institutional exchanges regarding Ssireum between South and North Korea. Moreover, the overall and fundamental transmission measures for the education, transmission, research, record, and informatization of Ssireum, and the cultivation of professional manpower should be established. Fifth, the contents of institutional tasks for Ssireum are like following. (1)The institutional complementation of the "Ssireum Promotion Act" should be done for the domestic/foreign promotion of Ssireum. (2)For the integration of Ssireum organizations, the administrative system should be unified. (3)The standard technical system manual for Ssireum should be produced. (4)The 'Ssireum Transmission Center' should be built for the preservation and systematic transmission of Ssireum. (5)The selection of a college for transmitting Ssireum and the establishment of a system to cultivate Ssireum successors should be done. (6)It would be necessary to establish database(DB) for the use of Ssireum techniques essential for the transmission of Ssireum.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.269-303
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• 2016

There are two ways of viewing the Taoism of the Joseon dynasty. One is to view it from the point of view in Joseon, another is to view it from the outside of Joseon, i.e. foreigners' point of view. Maurice Courant(maurice courant,1865~1935)'s Bibliographie Coreenne is the Korean first bibliography(書誌) recorded from the latter's point of view. This research examined the Taoist scripture in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne. Maurice Courant classified the Taoist scripture of the Joseon into three: '1. Sacred books(經書類)', '2. Worship of Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君), Munchangjegun(文昌帝君), Buwoojegun (孚佑帝君)', '3. Various works'. Through this category, it was determined that the belief in three gods (Gwanseongjegun Munchangjegun Buwoojegun) was widely prevalent in the Joseon dynasty in the late 19th century. In the chapter 1, he composed the books of representative Taoist scripture as Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, 'God(太上)', and 'King of heaven(九天上帝)'. Maurice Courant determined in chapter 2 that 1890s' Joseon Gwanwoo (關帝) belief was activated, and mentioned 'Musangdan(無相壇)', namely, Joseon's first religious organization. However, he could not determine that the scriptures relevant to three gods were recorded to be divine revelations uttered by gods. 19th century's 'Musangdan' was not introduced by being imported with Chinese Taoist scripture, but was published with the Joseon Taoist scripture through Gangpil(降筆: recording divine revelations uttered by gods). Also, through Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, the point that 'belief in three gods' was prevalent in the social leader group during that period could be determined. The reason how such research could be possible seems, because Maurice Courant had Korean assistants who were good at Chinese classics. In chapter 3, Maurice Courant arranged the books based on Taoist ethic and the scriptures on Taoist social practical movement. Through the interpretation of Taoism bibliographies included in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, first, it could be determined that belief based on the three gods(三聖信仰) was prevalent during the 19th century, second, there were lots of the Taoist scriptures made in the late Joseon, third, the first Taoist religious organization and Taoist social movement form could be investigated.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.147-180
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• 2018

Seokjeong JEONG-JIK LEE is a scholar who tried to render a form of service for his country by writing works of literature during the crisis of the Period of Modern Enlightenment. He mainly expressed his perception of reality through an evaluation of historical figures. He left behind a text on the Analects of Confucius, which is known as the '10 questions and answers regarding the Analects of Confucius', in his posthumous work. It seems that he wrote it to be used as lecture material for his students. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze his recognition to the Analects of Confucius and its learning direction expressed in the writing '10 questions and answers regarding the Analects of Confucius'. With respect to the word ren(仁), which is the most fundamental concept of the Analects, he viewed his life in an introspective way from the standpoint of a 'Hoinyupe(好仁有蔽)', which means that if you like kindness and fairness but don't like learning it, then there will be negative effects, and through the 'Gwangwajiin(觀過知仁)', which means that you will know for sure kindness and fairness when you observe wrongdoing, not the general viewpoint of 'Humaneness or Love'. He tried to determine the meaning of ren, and virtue(德) through a common denominator from an overall point of view. It might have been a reflection of his thoughts that a sound comprehension of powerful countries was needed. In terms of relationship between Gunja(君子) and Myeong(命), Gunja needs to make constant efforts to understand Myeong as a talented person who can maintain order. The direction of learning was examined under three categories: Jongipjibang (從入之方), Gunjajiryu(君子之類), and Sumunihae(隨文而解). Jongipjibang is defined as a way to complement the weaknesses of leaners according to their characteristics and it promotes a focus on pushing ethics into practice rather than acquiring knowledge as it is today. Gunja was classified into 3 stages. However, it merely provides standards to help learners' understandings, so not all students may fall into these stages. Sumunihae gives explanations of commentaries on the book. Seokjeong remarked that the meaning was not different even if the same concept was annotated differently in the "Four Books". This is because the context was emphasized according to the principle of 'Sosisojeol Pilchakpilseom (所始所切, 必着必贍)'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.385-411
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• 2008

This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.9-40
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• 2014

This article focuses on Yeheon's consideration and solution for the hostile of social circumstances during the time of the Japanese invasions. Yeheon thought that the Chosun dynasty must have faced such disorder before the war happened. People including the king and his subjects did not live their life according to the righteous principle, and the state was not under control in a way that it should accomplish the Dao. Yeheon thought that the Japanese invasion, which is more like a flood or certain disasters, was not primarily responsible for the harshest of environments. Yeheon paid his attention to the fact that even after the Japanese invasions ended, people were still in disorder losing their mind-and-heart. People's mind-and-heart became that of animals because of starvation and disease. This is because the government made people trapped in a difficult situation by forcing them to prepare for military operations, rather than taking care of them. As a result, in Yeheon's view, the main cause of the social disorder was people's lack of mind-and-heart, which brought about their actions of brutality like those of animals. Although Yeheon himself did not form righteous armies, he instead suggested a right path to overcome and solve the social disorder by describing and analyzing in detail the reality of the war as well as the problems of policies. In particular, Yeheon studied the Zhou yi at the time because understanding the principle of fortune and misfortune, as well as the rise and fall of a state, could give a proper solution to the social turmoil of his times. In Yeheon's eyes, the most important thing to do in the time of people's losing mind-and-heart was to follow li and accomplish the Dao in their daily life. And this was what he, as a gentleman, should do. Yeheon thought that in spite of the harshest of environments, one can still preserve one's grace and dignity, which would overcome one's adversity. This gives us the following questions: should one put aside one's grace and dignity to overcome wartime perils? Or in so doing, one should face more severe time after a short period of peace and stability? These questions concern the relationship between one's morality and the state's responsibility, and what is the right way of doing one's duty to the state is the main philosophical subject in this article.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.173-208
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• 2017

This study sorted out the political methods of the typical shell-and-bone inscriptions during early Western Zhou, the shapes and arrangements of Chan, Chak, and Jak, and the characteristics and description methods of shell-and-bone characters and also investigated the formation backgrounds and changing patterns of shell-and-bone inscriptions with a focus on the transmitted literature and actual shell-and-bone inscriptions. First, the transmitted literature contained records saying that Gogongdanbu told fortunes by burning tortoise shells during Proto-Zhou, but no Bokgap from those days had been excavated yet. The content of the divination focused on the periods of Kings Wen, Wu, and Cheng of Zhou, and the shell-and-bone characters of Juwon contained much content about Jugong those days. Second, there were some differences in the processing methods between Bokgap and Bokgol, but their origin could basically be found in the Joyeongjang form during middle Shang. In addition, it was found that they directly accepted the Bukchon type of Seomseo during late Shang and the divination method of the Proto-Zhou culture. Third, all of Bokgaps had a set of square Chan and rectangular Chak installed on the back, whereas all of Bokgols had a set of circular Chan and vertically thin Chak and were in the shape of a cat's eye. In terms of the Chan, Chak, and Jak arrangement, the Bokgaps were similar to those of Yinxu during late Shang, whereas the Bokgols had the characteristics of the Joyeongjang type during middle Shang. Finally, there were differences in the description methods of shell-and-bone characters according to the arrangement methods of shell-and-bone inscriptions. Some rules were found according to each of the parts. Bokgaps were placed horizontally so that Gapsu would face sideways. The middle sections of Bokgols were mostly placed horizontally with the Byeongbu and Seonbu facing downwards at Golgu to write downwards from right to left. This method was estimated to have something to do with "Sigo" in the divination process in The Rites of Zhou. It was inferred that the perceptions of divination changed in the process of arranging the rites and music institutions during early Western Zhou.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.179-204
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• 2017

Hojil(虎叱) and Yangbanjeon(兩班傳) reveal the characteristic styles of Park Jiwon(朴趾源)'s writing, which is combining styles of unofficial history/biography(外傳) and allegory(寓言), and full of the senses of satire and humour which form another characteristc of his writing style or tone. This paper reexamines narrative styles, meaning structures and themes of these two works which combine the styles of unofficial history/biography and allegory, and researches methods and techniques of allegory and satire which presents the subversive and critical themes and thoughts of the author. In Hojil, combining of the two styles, the author constructs the narrative world and plot, manipulates allegoric figures to symbolize and present multilayered meaning, and criticize the decadence of confucian aristocracy [Sadaebu: 士大夫] and it's abuses. In Yangbanjeon by combining of two styles, the author weave a biography of Yangban(兩班) in general, which presents the attributes and historical position of the Yangban class. And by the nonsensical fictional event which caricatures crisis of the Yangban class, and tedious description of the manners and behaviors of the Yangban, the author and satires the snobbery of the Yangban and the absurdity of their classical privileges. As he did in Hojil, the author urges the self-examination of the reader raising a question about the position and the function or duty of the Yangban class in the changing world. And the various skills of satire together with the irony, paradox, parody and pun were used dexterously in above two works.