• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.37
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• pp.253-281
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the meaning of of "Nikolai Garin - Mikhailovsky's the "Joseon tale". talks about the origins of the Joseon Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty. In this paper, we revealed the features of the form of "Otter Legend". And analyzed the confrontation between Nurhachi's family and Yi Seong-gye's family shown in the story. The result is as follows. is complex tale. The start of is 'the typr of Yaraeja'. Next is the story of Myoung-Dang. Myoung-Dang is deep in the water. also has anecdotes of Jeong, Chung-shin. rearranged at least three stories or more. transformed each type of stories, communing the different patterns of stories with different logic. The basic logic of the transformation was to maximize the confrontation between the NuruhachI and Yi Seong-gye clans, the origins of Manchuria and the Chosun Dynasty. As a result, the sacredness of Nurhachi's Family, the origin of the Qing Dynasty, was expanded. On the other hand, Yi Seong-gye s Family was less extraordinary than Nurhachi's Family. Also, the ability of the person is also inferior. This is not the yearning for the Qing Dynasty. This is because the Qing Dynasty and the Joseon have the same pedigree. shows that the Qing Dynasty's experiences should be shared since the Qing Dynasty was born of another clan of Joseon. This is a new perception of Qing Dynasty. This is similar to the interpretation that dragged the Qing Dynasty's history into the Joseon's ethnographic historical point of view.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.104
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• pp.4-5
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• 1992

설화의 분류체계는 논리의 명징성, 자료의 포괄성, 이용의 효율성을 두루 갖추어야 하나, 설화의 세계에는 서로 이질적인 자료들이 어지럽게 뒤섞여 있어 실제 작업에 있어서는 그중 어느 한 측면이 부실해질 위험이 크다. 그같은 위험을 피하기 위해 서교수는, 자료의 실상에 바탕을 두는 분류체계를 제시한다.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.43
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• pp.7-31
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• 2011

Danjong had suffered the worst misfortune in the history of Lee Dynasty. His throne was usurped by Sejo, his uncle and he was banished to Youngwol where he ended his life for good. Youngwol remembers the last moment of this tragic person clearly through the various traditional stories passed down from the past. In this study, the works assumed to be formed in the contemporary times among Danjong-related stories were targeted. Time of story creation is not known but it could be assumed that the time when heroine of the story was lived may be coincided with the time of traditional story creation, in this story created in a form of experience story. If any objects or elements that may lead to time of traditional story are contained in the story, we may be able to identify the time of traditional story. All of , and were created in the contemporary times. However, these traditional stories are not new at all. If any personal experience story is added on the existing transmitted traditional story, deviation of traditional story near to recreation is taken place. Traditional Danjong story created like this in the contemporary times have some characteristics. First, transmission power of maintaining Danjong story up to the present times was expanded from a nature of misfortune and holiness to general eccentricity. Ability of deity derived from Danjong's grief and grudge is weakened as time goes by and this story is substituted by an amazing things that can be experienced by anybody. Second, at present, Danjong story is transformed to a form of folktale. Danjong story has developed into a myth through deification from a personal legend. This myth is transformed into a folktale everybody can experience in the contemporary times. Third, this story has been recreated in a form of experience story, not a modification. It is said that as the personal experience story is combined with existing traditional stories, a new work of traditional story is created. It could be observed that through contemporary Danjong story, traditional story of historical person could be created in the contemporary times as well and additionally, a process that personal experience story is positioned as a traditional story could be observed. Now is the time to pay attention to various traditional stories being created in the contemporary times like experience stories.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.37
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• pp.217-252
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• 2018

In the [Samguk sagi], is the origin story of , a Pansori novel from the late Joseon period. is derived from an Indian folktale. This article examines the narrative changes from the Indian folktale. Through this, I attempt to examine how the short fable developed into a fascinating story with numerous variants like . The five kinds of stories that I have observed all indicate the development of a common narrative. They also have a common character: terrestrial animals, deputy, and aquatic animals. However, in the original story, the more the character is brought up, the greater the persuasiveness of the action. In addition, the scale of the conflict expands due to the reorganization of the incident. Moreover, the theme of the narrative has diversified by utilizing the space as a contrast. Discussions reveal that a single story or storyteller does not create a fascinating story. The implication being that several narratives and numerous people together make the narrative changes.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.7-39
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• 2012

This study is prepared to understand the filial story's communicative meaning from the aspects of Character's behavior. The filial story have typically didactic theme and it is not have enough room for another interpretations. But if we carefully analyze the filial story from the point of view of (1)the target of the filial duty[father/ mother]. (2) the actor of the filial duty[son/ daughter]. (3) the evaluator of the filial duty[witness/ recorder], we can understand the filial story's connotation. In "三國遺事"(Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) and "三國史記"(Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms), the target of the filial duty plays an important part and communicates with the actor of the filial duty but there's no more communication in "高麗史"(History of Corea). As the character's communication is lessened, the meaning of edification is emphasized.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.65-90
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• 2012

This paper treats indigenous themes on of Kim Si-seup(金時習). has strong local color to the others of "Keumoh-shinhwa(金鰲新話)". This novel is set in Nam-won(南原) and Manbok-sa (萬福寺)which are used to realize the subject. Not only a folk game like Jeopo is used as important tool, but the main character of the novel is native Namwon man. Kim Si-seup stayed for a long time in Namwon. Because of this experience, he can realize unique and local setting, and then can break from the convention about a place setting of classic novel. The local color on is confirmed at . This tale have come down in Namwon, and then was recorded early 1970s. This tale is very similar with , so many researchers understood that the tale is the orginal work of . However, I suggest that is the orginal. Written with Chinese character, was very difficult to read. Besides, many Chosun scholar couldn't find this novel. Nevertheless, has a strong local color, so many Namwon people could accept this novel, and could create new folk tale easily.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.245-250
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• 2023

This article aims to analyze <Into the Mirror> and its remake version <Mirros>. Both feature the discrepancy between one and reflected image on mirror, which was a trend in the early 21th century. Although their backdrops and plots are similar, there are significant differences in motivation and others. Following the tradition of grievance redressing tale, it combines social criticism with the concept of encouraging good and punishing evil. Foregrounding the evil force of ghost through mirrors, <Mirrors> follows the Western tradition of horror movies. This remake exemplifies a way of reinterpreting and recreating an East-based narrative from a Western viewpoint where Christianity predominates.

• Bulletin of the Korean Space Science Society
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• 2009.10a
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• pp.31.3-31.3
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• 2009

견우와 직녀의 사랑 이야기가 얽혀 있는 두 별은 여름철을 대표하는 별들로서 중국 문화권에서는 지난 수 천 년 동안 매우 인기가 높은 별이었다. 두 별은 중국의 춘추전국시대의 노래를 모아 놓은 시경(詩經)에 이미 등장하고 있고, 서기 408년에 조성된 고구려의 덕흥리 고분 속에 있는 벽화에도 그려져 있다. 고려시대에는 이 별들에 대한 국가적인 제사를 지냈으며, 조선 시대에는 칠월칠석에 국왕이 신하들과 어울려 잔치를 베풀고 칠석시(七夕詩)를 지어서 책으로 편찬하는 일도 있었다. 한편 견우성은 주로 농사와 관계된 별점을 가지고 있었고, 시각제도와 긴밀한 관계가 있는 28宿(수)의 하나였으므로 천문학자들이 지속적으로 관심을 갖고 관측한 별이다. 그러한 관측의 결과는 고려사, 조선왕조실록, 승정원일기 등에 다수가 남아 있다. 그런데 동양 천문학에서 이미 널리 다루어졌던 문제 가운데 하나는, 바로 이 문학적 견우성과 천문학적 견우성이 일치하지 않는다는 것이다. 지금 일반 시민들에게 견우성은 독수리자리의 알테어(Altair)로 알려져 있다. 그러나 모든 사서와 고대 천문서 및 천문도가 지칭하는 견우성은 염소자리의 다비(Dabih)라는 별이다. 견우성이 28宿(수)의 하나라는 사실은 그 별(별자리)이 황도와 백도 근처에 있어야 함을 의미한다. 따라서 알테어는 적위가 높아서 도저히 28宿(수)에 속할 수가 없다. 게다가 알테어는 은하수 속에 들어가 있으므로, 견우와 직녀가 은하수를 사이에 두고 마주보고 있다는 일반적인 설화와도 어긋난다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 현재 대다수의 서적과 매체, 그리고 일반인을 대상으로 한 행사와 천문관에서 상영되는 프로그램들에는 모두 알테어를 견우성으로 하여 설명하고 있다. 이러한 불일치는 상당한 혼란을 초래하고 있는 상황이다. 이 연구에서는 이러한 불일치가 천문학적인 견우성과 인문학적인 견우성의 불일치로 보고, 이 문제를 실증적으로 접근해 본다. 즉, 고려사, 조선왕조실록, 승정원일기에 실려 있는 견우성 엄폐 관측 기록을 조사하여 한국사에서 전문 천문학자들은 어느 별을 견우성이라고 보아왔는지 알아보고, 또한 일반인들이 지은 시문에는 어떤 별을 견우성으로 여겼는지 고찰한다. 아울러 역사적으로 이 문제에 대한 선인들의 생각을 짚어보고, 중국과 일본의 학자들은 이 문제를 어떻게 바라보고 있는지를 살핀 다음, 마지막으로 현실적으로 이 문제를 어떻게 해결할 수 있는지 고찰해 본다.

• 한국체육학회지인문사회과학편
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• v.57 no.5
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• pp.1-11
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to investigate the views of Joseon held by Kano Jigoro, who was the creator of judo and spread the martial arts ideology across the world, to shed light on the fundamental essence of the martial arts ideology spread around Korea. Conducted in this perspective, the study generated the following results: first, Kano Jigoro grew up, receiving history education from classical scholars of Japan. He was accordingly influenced by the Seikanron, which argues that Empress Jingu, a mythical character, conquered Silla, Baekje and Gaya. The Seikanron became the basis of the Imna Ilbonbu theory during the Japanese rule and was projected onto martial arts ideas Jeongryeokseonyong and Jatagongyeong that were completed by Kano Jigoro and introduced into Joseon. Secondly, Kano Jigoro distributed and expanded the tale of statehood in the prism of martial arts ideology since the Meiji Restoration, which was possible because he connected his martial arts ideas to the statehood of Japan. As a result, they were used as the logic of Korea and Japan are One in Joseon unlike the rest of the world where they were applied as peace ideas. Finally, his martial arts ideology introduced into Joseon during the Japanese rule went through acculturation and showed the contradiction of being interpreted differently according to different individuals. Most Japanese people made use of his martial arts as a means of the Korea and Japan are One policy, whereas the pioneers of the Korean people excluded Kano Jigoro's view of state, included the nationalistic features in it, and trained their martial arts as a means of overcoming the national crisis.