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Research on the Plant Distributions in Na-Ree Dong in Dagelet Island and Baik-Rok Dam in Cheju Island (울릉도의 나리동 및 제주도의 백녹담 식물분포에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Do, Sang-Hak;Park, Su-Hyun
    • Korean Journal of Pharmacognosy
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.35-40
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    • 1976
  • The plant distributions in the Na-Ree Dong in Dagelet Island and Baik-Rok Dam in Cheju Island were investigated and 143 genera, 187 species of plants were found in the Na-Ree Dong in Dagelet Island during 15 years from 1961 to 1975. From 1957 to 1975, 113 genera, 174 species of plants were found in Baik-Rok Dam in Cheju Island.

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A feasibility study of interconnection between ROK and Russia (남한-러시아 국가간 계통연계를 위한 예비 타당성 검토)

  • Kim, Jong-Yul;Lee, Seong-Ryul;Yoon, Jae-Young
    • Proceedings of the KIEE Conference
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    • 2005.11b
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    • pp.356-358
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    • 2005
  • This paper evaluates minimum and maximum power exchange considering economic and technical characteristics between Russia and ROK. First, we evaluate minimum power exchange to assure the economic feasibility by comparison with the total cost and benefit of the interconnected line. For evaluating maximum exchange power, system constraints are considered, which are examined through load flow and dynamic analysis by using the PSS/E program. As a result of these evaluations, we suggest the reasonable range of power exchange between ROK and Russia considering economic and technical constraints with the interconnection scenario that power system interconnection between ROK and Russia will be realized in the year 2010.

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A Study on Method of Predicting Failure Rates of Fastening Parts (체결 부품 고장률 산출 방안에 관한 연구)

  • Jeong, Da-Un;Yun, Hui-Sung;Kwon, Dong-Soo;Lee, Seung-Hun
    • Journal of Applied Reliability
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    • v.11 no.3
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    • pp.305-318
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    • 2011
  • In the statement of logistics reliability prediction methodology, all components should be managed as the analysis objectives. However, in some reliability prediction of weapon systems, fastening parts, e.g., screws, bolts and nuts, have been frequently ignored because some organizations related to weapon systems have emphasized that those parts are not significant in their failures rate and functions. In this paper, failure rates, modes, and distributions were presented to prove that fastening parts should be included in reliability prediction objectives. Also, failure rate prediction methods of fastening parts are presented and compared.

Feasible Power Exchange between Russia and ROK Power Systems

  • Kim Jong-Yul;Lee Seung-Ryul;Yoon Jae-Young;Kim Ho-Yong
    • KIEE International Transactions on Power Engineering
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    • v.5A no.3
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    • pp.221-227
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    • 2005
  • This paper evaluates minimum and maximum power exchange considering economic and technical characteristics between Russia and ROK. First, we evaluate minimum power exchange to assure the economic feasibility by comparison with the total cost and benefit of the interconnected line. For evaluating maximum exchange power, system constraints are considered, which are examined through load flow and dynamic analysis by using the PSS/E program. As a result of these evaluations, we suggest the reasonable range of power exchange between ROK and Russia considering economic and technical constraints with the interconnection scenario that power system interconnection between ROK and Russia will be realized in the year 2010.

Research on the malware CHM and RokRAT being distributed by RedEyes (RedEyes 가 유포 중인 악성코드 CHM 및 RokRAT 연구)

  • Bo-Gyung Park;You-Boo Jeon;Seong-Soo Han
    • Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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    • 2023.11a
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    • pp.173-174
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    • 2023
  • 이 논문은 북한 해킹 그룹이 최근 유포하고 있는 악성코드 CHM 과 RokRAT 에 대해 연구하고 대응하는 목적으로 작성되었다. 악성코드 CHM 은 chm 파일 실행 시 도움말 창을 생성하여 내부 악성 스크립트가 동작하는 방식이다. 악성코드 RokRAT 은 윈도우에 기본 탑재된 lnk 파일을 pdf 아이콘으로 위장하여 사람들에게 유포하는 방식을 사용하였다. 이는 다양한 형식의 파일을 통해 유포되는 만큼 사용자가 보안 위협에 대한 경각심을 가지고 스스로 예방하고 대처할 수 있어야 한다는 결론을 내리고 있다.

R.O.K Minilateral Engagement with ASEAN: Assessment of BIMP-EAGA

  • Bo Kyeung Gu;Ratih Indraswari
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.16 no.1
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    • pp.205-228
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    • 2024
  • The ASEAN and ROK have played a crucial role in fostering regional peace and economic development. Nevertheless, the recent strategic competition between the US and China has turned the region into a contested arena. The relationship faces challenges due to the ROK's growing alignment with the US, prompting a rising interest in minilateralism as an alternative collaboration model. This paper scrutinizes the impact of ROK's foreign policy behavior, with a focus on minilateralism as a preferred cooperation model with ASEAN. The study centers on BIMP-EAGA, investigating its effectiveness in sustaining collaboration amid geopolitical rivalry. The paper concludes that BIMP-EAGA, as a manifestation of minilateralism, serves as an alternative platform for ROK and ASEAN cooperation. However, the study reveals that the implementation of BIMP-EAGA falls short of expectations. This paper emphasizes the need for greater subregional focus and comprehensive coverage of BIMP-EAGA to truly reflect the shared interests of ASEAN member states.

The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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The Role of Major Donors in Health Aid to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

  • Lee, Haewon;Ahn, Deborah Y.;Choi, Soyoung;Kim, Youngchan;Choi, Hyunju;Park, Sang Min
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • v.46 no.3
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    • pp.118-126
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    • 2013
  • We investigated the major trends in health aid financing in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) by identifying the primary donor organizations and examining several data sources to track overall health aid trends. We collected gross disbursements from bilateral donor countries and international organizations toward the DPRK according to specific health sectors by using the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development creditor reporting system database and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs financial tracking service database. We analyzed sources of health aid to the DPRK from the Republic of Korea (ROK) using the official records from the ROK's Ministry of Unification. We identified the ROK, United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM) as the major donor entities not only according to their level of health aid expenditures but also their growing roles within the health sector of the DPRK. We found that health aid from the ROK is comprised of funding from the Inter-Korean Cooperation Fund, private organizations, local governments, and South Korean branches of international organizations such as WHO and UNICEF. We also distinguished medical equipment aid from developmental aid to show that the majority of health aid from the ROK was developmental aid. This study highlights the valuable role of the ROK in the flow of health aid to the DPRK, especially in light of the DPRK's precarious international status. Although global health aid from many international organizations has decreased, organizations such as GFATM and UNFPA continue to maintain their focus on reproductive health and infectious diseases.

A Study on the Byun Jeung Rok(辨證錄) Vol.XI (변증록(辨證錄) 권지십일(卷之十一)에 대(對)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Jong-Hwan;Kim, Joo-Tae;Kim, Sang-Un;Eom, Dong-Myung;Lee, Si-Hyeong
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Oriental Medical Informatics
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.147-202
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    • 2011
  • The topic of this study is the translation of "Byun Jeung Rok Vol.XI(辨證錄十一卷)". Byun Jeung Rok is a complete book of medicine which was written by Jin Sa tak(陣士鐸) in the early years of the Ching dynasty. Of this, the eleventh volume is composed of 6 disease-patterns(病證) and 41 subtopics. The organized characteristics of "Byun Jeung Rok(辨證錄) Vol.XI" is as follows. Chapter 1 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Hysterorrhea(帶下病). It explains five color Hysterorrhea; white, red, black, yellow and blue. Chapter 2 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Oligemic Menoschesis(血枯). It explains two cases of Menoschesis. Chapter 3 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Metrorrhagia(血崩). It explains eight cases of Metrorrhagia. Chapter 4 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Dysmenorrhea(月經不調). It explains fourteen cases of Dysmenorrhea. Chapter 5 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Infertilitas(不姙). It explains ten cases of Infertilitas. Chapter 6 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Hyperemesis(惡阻). It explains two cases of Hyperemesis. Obviously the Byun Jeung Rok(辨證錄) is one of the very important texts in the oriental medicine. But there is no exact Korean translation, so I study this six chapters and translate them into Korean. Finally, I hope this thesis can be an aid of development in the knowledge informatization of Korean medicine.

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Maritime Security of the Republic of Korea: year 1998 and year 2018 (한국의 해양안보: 1998년과 2018년)

  • Jung, Ho-Sub
    • Strategy21
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    • s.43
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    • pp.57-88
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    • 2018
  • Security situations are fundamentally and rapidly changing on the Korean Peninsula. Above all, as North Korea(NK) is heightening its nuclear and missile capabilities, Republic of Korea(ROK) is facing an existential threat. At the same time, as China's economic, diplomatic and military power is quickly rising, the balance of power is shifting and strategic competition between the Unite States(US) and China is accelerating in the Asia-Pacific region. Under the pressure of development of these situations, ROK seems to face allegedly the most serious crisis in its national security since the end of the Korean War. In the current grim geopolitical situation, maritime security may become the most difficult security challenge for ROK in the years to come. The purpose of this paper is to compare major changes in maritime security affairs of the ROK during last twenty years from 1998 until now(2018). 1998 was when this journal 『Strategy 21』 was published for the first time by the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy. Then, this paper tries to identify challenges and risks with which this country has to deal for its survival and prosperity, and to propose some recommendations for the government, the Navy, and the Coast Guard as they are responsible for the maritime security of the country. The recommendations of this paper are as follows: strengthen ROK-US alliance and expand security cooperation with regional powers in support of the maintenance of the current security order in the region; building-up of maritime security capacity in preparation for crisis on the maritime domain with the navy targeting to acquire 'a non-nuclear, balance-of-terror capability, to improve interoperability with the Coast Guard based on 'a national fleet,' and to actively pursue innovation in naval science and technology. Finally, this paper proposes that naval capability the country needs in another twenty years depends on how effectively and rigorously the navy put its utmost efforts towards building 'a strongest navy' today.