• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.110-118
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• 2015

Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, one of the Goosanseonmoon of Shilla Dynasty, calls for a study in the field of landscape architecture because it has very significant elements in cultural and ecological landscaping aspects. This study examined the changes in landscaping elements of Borimsa Temple since the 17th century in order to newly recognize cultural landscaping value of space composition elements for traditional temple and to verify landscape architectural position. For research method, literatures such as Sajeonggi (事蹟記), Joongchanggi, a surveyed map by Fujishima Gaijiro in 1928 and Joseon Gojeogdobo (朝鮮古蹟圖譜) and modern documents including Borimsa Temple Precision Ground Survey Report and photographic records of National Archives of Korea and provincial governments were examined together with a field survey in order to trace changes in landscape elements such as buildings within the temple site, pond and temple forest. The results are as the following: First, for geographical locations of Borimsa Temple, it is located in an auspicious location and Shipyuknahansang and Cheonbul were placed in a supplementary purpose according to the contents of Bojoseonsatapbi. Compared to Namhwaseonsa Temple in China, it has a similar environmental composition but the fact that buildings were placed on platforms is a distinctive difference. Second, architectural landscape of Borimsa Temple went through the Japanese colonial era and Korean War and still going through changes today. Thus, there shall be some appropriate measures such as to establish an archive of past landscape data. Third, the contents of Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi suggests that the pond of Borimsa Temple had been in a indeterminate form with stones on the outer edge. Its name could have been Yongcheon (湧泉) according to the contents of Joongchanggi. Also, the current landscape, in comparison with past photographs, is a result of changes from surface raise occurred by ground reinforcement within the temple site. Fourth, Jangsaengpyoju (長生標柱) mentioned in Bojoseonsatapbi and Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi was thought to be the dried juniper tree in front of Daewoongbojeon, which can be found in past photographic documents but, it is now assumed to be Seokbihyeong (石碑形) considering the Gukjangsaeng and Hwangjangsaeng of Dogapsa Temple of the similar time period. Moreover, Hongsalmoon mentioned in Joongchanggi was established by King's order after the Manchu war of 1636 in praising of Buddhist monks those who had volunteered to fight for the country. Fifth, it is apparent in Borimsa Temple Joongchanggi that geomancy was a consideration in landscaping process of Borimsa Temple, and the record indicates that pine trees, bo trees and persimmon trees were planted. Sixth, tea tree forest was verified of its historical root that is Seongchailyeo from Unified Shilla through passing down of Jeong Yak-yong's Goojeunggoopo method and relevant documents of Seon Master Choui and Yi Yu-won. Seventh, nutmeg tree forest suggests that nutmegs were used in national ceremonies and for medical uses. The nutmeg tree forest was also verified of its role as Naehwasoorimdae (a forest built to prevent fire from spreading) through aerial photographs and placement of a forest reserve.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-33
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• 2003

From the study on Doo-Jong Kims view of history about the early Korea$(Korea\;herewith\;stands\;for\;Korea\;dynasty\;A.D.918{\sim}1392)s$ Medicine, I came to a conclusion as follows. 1. Doo-Jong Kim is stressing on the fact that Early Koreas Medicine inherited from Shilla dynasty and seemingly expressing the pride of national medical science. But actually he distorted the Koreas independent growth with flunkeyism and insisted that Koreas medicine only took over Shilla dynastys which based on Chinese Tang dynastys medical science. As a result, Koreas medicine was blurred and evaluated as nothing but Tangs medicine. But, the reasons of Doo-Jong Kims viewpoints were not based on the fact, but on his speculation. 2. About the medical system, Doo-Jong Kim viewed that Korea copied Chinese Soo & Tangs medical system, But the fact is that Korea only borrowed a part of Chinese medical systems name, for examples, Tae-I-Gam, Sang-Yak-Kook, Sang-Sik-Kook, etc., and its actual functions were different and grew in Koreas own way, As a result, the titles or roles in the system were very different from those of Chinas. Especially, Korea saw much development in Science of Acupuncture and Moxibustion that there was a specialist on Acupuncture, called I-Chim-Sa, and even had much influences on Chinese Acupuncture and Moxibustions growth, exporting Hwang-Je-Ne-Kyong to Chinese Song dynasty. 3. About the education system of medicine, Doo-Jong Kim viewed that Koreas medicine was only a copy of Shilla dynastys which was based on Chinese Tang dynastys, taking the medical examination curriculum as an example. The fact is that Tangs medical curriculum was three, Bon-Cho, Kab-Ul, Maek-Kyong, Shilla had seven, Bon-Cho-Kyong, Kab-Ul-Kyong, So-Moon-Kyong, Chim-Kyong, Maek-Kyong, Myong-Dang-Kyong, Nan-Kyong, and Korea had ten, So-Moon-Kyong, Kab-Ul-Kyong, Bon-Cho-Kyong, Myong-Dang-Kyong, Maek-Kyong, Dae-Kyong-Chim-Kyong, Nan-Kyong, Ku-Kyong, Ryu-Yon-Ja-Bang, So-Kyong-Chang-Jeo-Ron. Simply considering this, it is so clear that Koreas medical curriculum was much more upgraded one than that of China. 4. About the examination system for civil service, Doo-Jong Kim expressed that Shilla dynasty did not have such system, and only expounded knowledge of Shilla medicine, In case of China, Tang danasty Hyang-Kong was only a qualification test for civil service, which the result was completely dependent on applicants social status, Song danasty examination system was composed of three steps of Hyang-Si, Sung-Si, Jeon-Si (See Note1), but it stuck to formality by having Jeon-Si of anti-fraudulence use. On the other hand, examination system for civil service in Korea dynasty started in 958 by an advice of Ssang-Ki, Chin-Si in 977 and K대-Ja-Si (See Note 1), a kind of Hyang-Si, in 1024., Three steps of examination system made employment for civil service strictly fair, Moreover, it was possible for offsprings of concubine to be an applicant. These easily explain that the examination system of Korea dynasty was more upgraded one than that of China, Tang ＆ Song dynasty. Hyang-Si : Exam in local area Sung-Si : Exam in province for those who passed Hyang-Si Jeon-Si : Exam held with Koea Kings supervision for those who passed Hyang-Si Keo-Ja-Si : Selective exam in local area like Hyang-Si. From the reasons above, it is clear that Doo-Jong Kim was much biased by flunkeyism through Japanese colonialisam and expressed his view on Korea Medical History based on such theory of heteronomy and stasis. Moreover, without rigid historical evidence on records, he distored the fact by translating incorrectly on his purpose. Therefore, Doo-Jong Kims Korean Medical History must be reevaluated through rigid historical research and his mistranslation should be corrected.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.109-152
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• 2001

Throughout this paper, I adjusted the study of 'Qian Yi'(錢乙)'s Medical Thought, and the following is the summary. 1. 'Qian Yi' wrote 'Xiao Er Yao Zheng Zhi Jue'("小兒藥證直訣", edited by 誾季忠), and there were 'Shang Han Lun Zhi Wei'("傷寒論指微"), 'Ying Ru Lun', however those are loss of the record. 2. Qian Yi's 'Zhi Jue'("直訣") was influenced by 'Lu Xin Jing', yet if we compare the quality of 'Sheng Li, Byeng Li, Bang Jae'(生理, 病理, 方劑), 'Lu Xin Jing' cannot be the foundation of 'Zhi Jue'. He took over 'Nei Jing, Shang Han Lun, Jin Gui Yao Lue, Shen Long Ben Cao Jing, Tai Ping Sheng Hui Fang'("內經", "傷寒論", "金?要略", "神膿本草經", "太平聖惠方") and put them together to the direct clinical experiences of pediatrics. 3. There is no reference regarding the difficulties of pediatric diagnosis and diseases in 'Huang Di Nei Jing'("黃帝內經") Before 'Bei Song'(北宋), regardless of the lack of data related to pediatric diseases, 'Qian Yi' established the pediatric system in 'Xiao Er Yao Zheng Zhi Jue' for the first time. 4. In his diagnosis of the pediatric diseases, he 'Si Zhen He Can'(四診合參), also considered in the eye exam seriously. In addition, he closely combined 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng'(五臟辨證), and diagnosis the pediatric diseases. 5. 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', what Qian established method was based on 'Zheng Ti Guan'(整體觀) in 'Huang Di Nei Jing'. It was based on clinical experiences and established the perspectives of 'Tian Ren Xiang Ying'(天人相應). First of all, he pinpointed 'Zhu Zheng'(主證) clearly. Secondly, he pinpointed the relationships to symptoms and then, he distinguished a generic character of 'Xu, Shi, Han, Re'(虛, 實, 寒, 熱). Finally, he made an induction from genealogical pediatric physiology. 6. 'Qian Yi' took a serious view of 'Ban Zhen'(斑疹), the inadequate field in those days. At that time, he criticized on the habituation of the misuse of medication. He treated separately which 'Ji Jing'(急驚) as 'Liang Xie'(凉瀉) and 'Man Jing'(慢驚) as 'Wen Bu'(溫補). He proposed 'Cong Gan Zhu Feng, Xin Zhu Jing'(從肝主風, 心主驚) theory and formulated 'Jing Feng'(驚風) theory as well. 7. As an opponent of a tendency to misusage of medicine, 'Qian Yi' made out a prescription with pliant medicine. He emphasized on the treatment to 'Gong Bu Shang Zheng, Bu Bu Zhi Xie, Xiao Bu Jian Shi'(攻不傷正, 補不滯邪, 消補兼施) because he had so lucid demonstration to 'Xu Shi Han Re'(虛實寒熱) of the five viscera in the field of 'Bang Yak'(方藥). 8. There were no pediatrics schools at that time, however, the pediatrics was being made up gradually by 'Jin Yuan Si Da Jia'(金元四大家) who was influenced by 'Qian Yi'. He raised an objection to medical treatment using pliant medicine. 'Qian Yi' applied 'Qu Xia'(驅下) treatment using 'Han Liang'(寒凉) medicine. 'Han Liang Pai'(寒凉派) is greatly influenced by Qian. 'Chen Wen Zhong'(陳文中) had a great impact on 'Han Liang Pai' who used a 'Zao Shu Wen Bu'(燥熟溫補) medicine for treatment. Since 'Song Jin'(宋金), he had a tremendous influence on pediatrics treating patients in both 'Han Wen'(寒溫) ways. 9. 'Qian Yi' had an influence on his medical thoughts on future generations, especially to 'Wan Quan'(萬全) of 'Ming Dai', 'Wu Tang'(吳塘) of 'Qing Dai'(淸代) and 'Yun Shu Jie'(?樹珏) of 'Min Guo'(民國). 'Wan Quan' is an advocate of 'You Yu, Bu Zu Zhi Shuo'(有餘, 不足之說)of 'Xiao Er Wu Zang'(小兒五臟) that he revealed Qian's 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng'(五臟辨證). 'Wu Tang' disclosed Qian's 'Xiao Er Ti Zhi Shuo'(小兒體質說) and 'Xiao Er Ke'(小兒科)'s 'Yong Yao Lun'(用藥論), therefore, he uncovered pediatric physiological characteristics through the advocate of Qian's 'Zang Fu Rou Ruo, Ji Gu Nen Qie, Yi Xu Yi Shi, Yi Han Yi Re' (臟腑柔弱, 肌骨嫩怯, 易虛易實, 易寒易熱). 'Yun Shu Jie' developed intrinsic relationships among time, symptom and 'Tian Ren Xiang Ying Guan'(天人相應觀), What 'Qian Yi' stated about them. And also, he developed Qian's 'Di Huang Wan'(地黃丸), 'Xie Qing Wan'(瀉靑丸), 'Yi Huang San'(益黃散) clinical usages as well. 10. Regarding Qian's 'Wu Zang Xu Shi'(五臟虛實), it has an influence on 'Zhang Yuan Su'(張元素)'s 'Zang Fu Bing Ji Bian Zheng'(臟腑病機辨證). 'Di Huang Wan', 'Xie Qing Wan', 'Xie Xin Tang'(瀉心湯), 'Yi Huang San', 'Xie Huang San'(瀉黃散) are the standard prescription of 'Wu Zang Bu Xie'(五臟補瀉). It is under the influence of Qian's treatment. Besides, 'Qian Yi' took a serious view of 'Xiao Er'(小兒)'s 'Pi Wei'(脾胃). 'Qian Yi' had an impact on 'Li Dong Yuan'(李東垣) one of the member of 'Bu Tu Pai'(補土派). 'Di Huang Wan', which placed great importance on 'Bu Yi Shen Yin'(補益腎陰), had a great impact on 'Da Bu Yin Wan'(大補陰丸) and 'Jin Yuan Si Da Jia' as well. 11. In a theory of Qian's 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', though it had been stated clearly in 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', but he neglected in 'Liu Fu Bian Zheng'(六腑辨證). In prescription field, The problem with the medicine is that it is either toxic or mineral, therefore, we are not able to use those medicine in a clinical testing at the present time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.64-71
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• 2012

This is a basic study for recovering original form of Nongsanbyeoleop(農山別業) in Gangjin, Jeonnam, created in the latter part of Joseon period and the estimation of originla form at the time of creation was conducted by analyzing related literature and inspecting the actual site. "Joseokruki(朝夕樓記)" of Dasan Jung, Yak Yong could estimate spatial structure and using form of Nongsanbyeoleop and the arrangement of spatial structure in literature could be confirm by on-the-site inspection. The results of this study are as follows. The first, Nongsanbyeoleop managed spatial factors applying natural topography. For the spatial characteristics of Nongsanbyeoleop, the location of ancestral ritual space including deceased father's tomb and tomb house far from the main levee of Yun, Kwang Taek, a father of Yun, Seo Yu by 1.9km and housekeeping could be confirmed. The second, spatial estimation by "Joseokruki" could be possible. "Joseokruki" describes Joseokru.Youngmojae.Hanokkwan.Cheokyunjung.Sangam as construction factors, Wundang.Kookdan.Nokwunoh. as plant factors, Sookyunggan.Keumkoji.Nokeumjung.Uijanghae as hydroponic factors and Pyoeunkok.Aengjakang as natural topography factors. However, most of them were disappeared and at present, only Youngmojae, Keumgoji, Kukdan and Wundang show the past trace. The third is for the changed space of Nongsanbyeoleop and its reason. The surrounding space of Nongsanbyeoleop was planated by land arrangement in 1960s and it played a role of topographical damage because it's recognized as the plane factor including Nongsanbyeoleop's surrounding landscape rather than dotted factor. The forth, the actual measurement of Nongsanbyeoleop and digitalization of manual map of numerical value are judged to be sufficient to apply as the basic material for recovering garden in the future. Because of the diatahce changing method applied at that time, the garden recovery of Nongsanbyeoleop intended to be concreted and 3D model established by digitalized basic materials is considered to apply for multilateral studying. Thus, Nongsanbyeoleop which is byeolseo including the tomb of deceased father based on the conceptual hyo thought shows clear differences from the organized factors of Byolseowonrim of precedent studies and the importance of Byolseowonrim is sufficient. But, the constructional factors which cannot know disappeared spatial factors and accurate location became the limitation of this study. In the future, clear verification of original form must be progressed by excavation which can confirm the location of construction factors.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.237-249
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• 2016

In this study, the antioxidant effect of Chungkukjang supplementation against memory impairment and oxidative stress in scopolamine (2 mg/kg i.p)-injected mice was investigated. The experimental animals were divided into five groups and fed experimental diets for 12 weeks; normal diet group (C), scopolamine + normal diet group (S), scopolamine + 63.0% soybean Chungkukjang supplementation group (SS), scopolamine + 45.0% Yakkong Chungkukjang supplementation group (SY), and scopolamine + 50.0% black foods such as black rice, black sesame seeds, and sea tangle added Yakkong Chungkukjang group (SYB). For the results of food intake, body weight gain, and brain weights, levels of scopolamine-injected groups were lower than the levels of the control group. The reduced brain weight of the scopolamine-injected group (S) was regulated to control level by supplementation of three types Chungkukjang. In the oxidative stress indicator, nitric oxide and malondialdehyde levels in serum of scopolamine-injected mice were higher than those of other groups. However, supplementation of soybeans, Yakkong and black foods added Yakkong Chungkukjang was proven to regulate them. Antioxidant enzyme activities such as superoxide dismutase (SOD) and glutathione-S-transferase (GST) in serum showed no significant differences among the groups. The reduced levels of vitamin A and vitamin E in serum and brain tissue of scopolamine-injected mice were controlled by supplementation of three types of Chungkukjang. Total antioxidant capacity (TAC) of scopolamine-injected group was lower than those of other groups. However, TAC was significantly elevated by Chunggukjang supplementation. Therefore, antioxidative effects of soybeans, Yakkong, and black foods added Yakkong Chungkukjang supplementations against oxidative stress in scopolamine-injected in mice could expected.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.97-137
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the thesis classification of the "Korean Philosophy Journal" and the subject and characteristics of two representative scholars of the Research Society in commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the establishment of the 'Korean Philosophy History Research Society'. The "Korean Philosophy Journal" was published from the 1st edition in 1991 to the 55th edition until November, 2017, and introduced a total of 582 papers. In the meantime, the 'Korean Philosophy History Research Society' became a registered place after being nominated by the Korea Research Foundation. Among the 582 chapters, 297 papers deal directly with Korean philosophy, and 174 papers on Chinese philosophy. Among the Korean philosophical theses, the most popular one was the 198th issue, and the Chinese philosophical thesis was the most popular with the subject of theology. Among the Korean philosophers, Chung Yak - Yong and Chinese philosophers Chu Shi were the most studied. Among the writers who participated in the "Korean Philosophy Journal", 203 were all of them. Among them, Lee Sang Ik published the most articles with 28, and Choi Young Sung was the second with 23. Based on Lee Sang Ik 's thesis 28, Lee Sang Ik is a well - known neo - Confucianism scholar. His research is based on the theory of neo - Confucianism and the theory of secularism. On the one hand, he establishes his own moral theories and criticizes other moral theories. On the other hand he establishes his own governing theory and criticizes other governing theories. And theoretical proposals on various problems in modern society Based on Choi Young Sung 's thesis, 23, Choi Young Sung is the best researcher in the field of studying in Korea. His research focuses on correcting mistaken perceptions and descriptions in the history of study abroad in Korea, and developing the undeveloped parts. In addition, I am looking for a new perspective on the history of studying in Korea. In addition, he has been studying the philosophical thought of Choi Chih Won in order to establish a philosophical foundation for approaching the history of thought rather than just the study of the history of thought. The "Korean Philosophy Journal" has been advanced in quantity and quality, and has developed quantitatively and qualitatively. Revitalization of the SungKyunKwan university Korean Philosophy Department is indispensable for the continuous development of "Korean Philosophy Journal" and 'Korean Philosophy History Study Society' and to create excellent scholars.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.107-139
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• 2014

Tasan Chong Yak-yong has criticized Zhu Xi's metaphysical viewpoints of human being. Therefore he revealed his viewpoint of human being and the theory of moral practice through his thoughts about the Lord of Heaven and human nature with spiritual inclination toward goodness. He has drawn the Lord of Heaven into Confucianism again. Heaven as the Lord endows human being with a nature that enjoys virtues and detests vices. It watches human being's good and evil. Here we can say Heaven is a outer efficient cause of moral behavior. According to Tasan, human being has its own 'self directed weight'自主之權 so that he can make a judgment and decision about what to do. Therefore we have to do manifest this moral inclination which is a inner efficient cause of moral behavior. That is to say, we must follow the order of daoxin道心 inside our mind. If we did go against it, our mind would be uncomfortable. Now through the method of so-called shu恕 we need to put filial piety孝 fraternal respect弟 compassion慈 into practice. These three moral practices represent the spirit of reciprocity in Confucianism. These lead us to make an achievement of ren仁, representative virtue in the theory of moral practice. Our moral practice means the fulfillment of humanity. This is the way to serve Heaven. Tasan insists that theses are the core thoughts of Confucius and Mencius.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.217-244
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• 2008

This research studied Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning("小學枝言") and Private Examination of Classic of the Mind("心經密驗") from the ethical perspective. Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning and Private Examination of Classic of the Mind are writings that play a role of bridge between Chinese classics(經學) and Theory of Statecraft(經世論). These two essays were written for the purpose of putting virtue into practice, which had been attained by studying Chinese classics, through a vehicle called Theory of Statecraft. If Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning called as a book of cultivation of outward morality or outward behavior, then Private Examination of Classic of the Mind is the book for cultivation of inward temperament. The 'practice' emphasized by Dasan through these two essays denotes ceaseless efforts toward goodness or virtue. Such efforts can be interpreted as 'ethical practice', if looked at from the perspective of aggressive struggle toward virtue. Dasan, in these two essays, had stressed to practice Good(善) through positive and lively actions. The matter of Good and Bad(善惡) in humans is not associated with their mind, but related to their practice. That is to say, humans may turn out to be good through means of 'ethical practice'. For Dasan, 'ethical practice' toward Good should have to be continued and upheld not only in the course of self-cultivation, but also in 'establishing relationship' with others. Such an assertion of Dasan was to lay emphasis on accomplishment of 'ethical practice' toward Good amid close relationship between personal and social ethics. Also, Dasan had emphasized free will(自由意志) in humans. This means that Good and Bad will be determined according to humans' free will, and to the same extent, that humans are responsible for its consequence. It is noted that Dasan had stressed that any human having free will should have to be a 'man of virtue'(君子) through means of 'ethical practice'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.185-217
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• 2018

This research is a part of basic research on Gyeonggi Kamyoung focused on reconstruct personnel organization and facility of Gyeonggi Kamyoung, the only Kamyoung without a Kamyoung Record, which should have been recorded on it. Excluding Gyeonggi Kamyoung, other 7 Kamyoung each have its Kamyoung Record that shows their detailed history and set up. Due to lack of information about Gyeonggi Kamyoung, this research set objective on reconstructing Kamyoung Record of it with fragments of information on multiple historical records. By doing this, this research will also be a background for general research on distinguishing administrative unity from regional uniqueness of all 8 provinces Kamyoung. Kamyoung's personnel organization is sorted into government official from central government and Yeongli and staff. The information about the government official on this research is based on "Ki-Yung-Jang-Gae- Deung-Rok"'s personal assessment. According to it, Dosa Junggun Geomlyul had the same task and position as others in different provinces did. The difference Gyeonggi Kamyoung had was an absence of Sim Yak since 1700 while others still had it. The information about Yeongli and staff's organization was based on "Ki-Yeong-Sin-Jeong-Sa-Le". In Gyeonggi Kamyoung, along 6-Bang, there were 208 Yeongli and staff categorized into 50 different official duties. Also, compared to other Kamyoungs, Youngli's scale was smaller. Kamyoung's facility inside Pojeongmun and wall is distinguished from other Kamyoung related facilities in this research. Organization of facilities inside Pojeongmun and wall is based on "Gyeonggi-Kamyoung-Do". Like other Kamyoungs in different provinces, Seonhwadang, which is the main building, is located in the center and had a similar organization. Significant point was that Gyeonggi Kamyoung had both Youngli-Cheong and Hyeongli-Cheong at the same time. In the dense and developed area outside of Seodaemun, Gyeonggi Kamyoung had its related facility around it in small scale.