• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.345-353
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• 2021

This study examined the effects of social capital on psychological identity and practical wellbeing for the Korean baby boom generation. To achieve this, an empirical survey was carried out on baby boomers who use elderly welfare centers and cultural centers living in D City. The overall research results showed that trust (t=6.893, p<.05), participation (t=5.157, p<.05), network (t=8.093, p<.05), and norm and reciprocity (t=4.787, p<.05), as sub-factors of social capital for baby boomers, had a significant effect on their practical wellbeing. Psychological identity was moderated (t=2.023, p<.05) in the effect of trust on practical wellbeing, adopting the hypothesis. This means that the social ties and the strong trust relationship between family members and relatives, which built up amid rapid economic growth, work with positive expectations of social capital and have a major effect on practical wellbeing. Moreover, practical welling also rated high, along with the high trust relationship and psychological identity. Consequently, various exchange programs and group and volunteer activity programs for baby boomers should be established to decrease their psychological identity due to the loss of social roles. Moreover, the decline of activities at a time of retirement can slow practical wellbeing.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.115-128
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• 2022

Soseon means a table setting without meat and fish. It seems to have been influenced by Buddhism and is mentioned in Joseon Dynasty records. This study aimed to investigate the use of Soseon and its relationship with Buddhism in Joseon, which emphasized Confucianism and refused Buddhism. This study was conducted on the Joseon Dynasty Annals database and records of royal food literature during the Joseon Dynasty. In Joseon, Soseon was seen in 186 cases and its cases were found during the early days than the late days of the same Dynasty. It was carried out at funerals for subjects and relatives(61.82%). national ceremonies(21.51%), envoy receptions(11.29%), and auspicious ceremony(5.38%). Meat dishes were replaced by tofu, seaweed, rice cakes, and cookies in the Soseon for national rituals. The table setting of Soseon consisted of a main dish, side dishes, and desserts. A comparison of the Soseon table setting between Gilrye and Hyungrye showed Chae, Gaejang and Dasik belonged only Gilrye table setting. The major food was Noodles, Tang, Chae, Yumilgwa, Yugwa, Dasik, rice cakes and fruits. Soseon menu was cooked flour, tofu, seaweed, shiitake, pine nut, sesame oil, honey, etc. Tofu, flour, and seaweed were referred to in the documents in relation to Buddhism. This study shows that the Soseon is a vegetarian diet form in Joseon affected by Buddhism from Goryeo. Therefore, this study is expected to be used as basic data for the study of Buddhist food culture of royal rituals in the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.348-354
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• 2023

A tattoo is a cultural form that has been handed down to mankind for a long time. Traditional tattoo customs that have been handed down and developed in the various cultures of mankind have the important value of academic research in various fields such as history, art, society, etc. The Derung people, one of the minorities living in Yunnan Province and nearby areas in the southwest of China, have 'facial tattoo' customs. The traditional culture of the Derung people, which had maintained the form of primitive society until 1949 when the People's Republic of China was established, was passed down through oral tradition, so there are no preserved materials about their tattoo culture, showing the need for research on the culture. Therefore, it was conducted in two ways: a research on modern and contemporary literature and a field trip to Yunnan Province. The exact reason and time of facial tattoo customs are unknown, but the customs disappeared after being banned in 1966 due to the Chinese Cultural Revolution. The symbols and functions of facial tattoos can be largely divided into four categories, including religious worship, coming-of-age ceremonies, aesthetic decorations, and ethnic and social history, through an on-site survey and research by modern and contemporary scholars. And, it is known that women of the Derung People get tattoos from the age of 7 to 8. The design of facial tattoos became more complicated for upper-class women and simpler for lower-class women depending on the area they live. Tattoos are mainly performed by relatives, and mainly bamboo skewers and lixivium extracted from the bottom of the pot are used as the materials. Currently, there are fewer than 25 women of the Derung people with facial tattoos, and most of them are elderly. Therefore, they seem to disappear altogether within a few decades. Therefore, it is urgent to have documentation on the unique facial tattoo culture of the Derung people.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.49-62
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• 2023

Due to social and cultural changes and the growth of aging people living as a single because of aging, lonely deaths are steadily increasing, and each local government has begun to define them as a social problem. The legal basis began to be established. In order to explore policy measures to prevent lonely deaths, this study examined cases of lonely death prevention policies using smart digital information technology (AI, IOT), which is being promoted by Daegu Metropolitan City to promote non-face-to-face policies to prevent lonely deaths. Policies related to lonely deaths are divided into two axes: lonely death prevention projects and post-excavation support projects. In order to operate these businesses efficiently, the provision of non-face-to-face services through artificial intelligence and the Internet of Things is recognized as a new service delivery system, so the importance and necessity of non-face-to-face services is increasing. It is time that multifaceted changes and preparations are needed, such as establishing a system to expand the non-face-to-face industry at the national level. In order to respond to another national disaster situation in the future, the non-face-to-face smart care system is being expanded in various welfare policies such as preventing lonely deaths. It will have to be activated.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.90 no.3
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• pp.398-412
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to examine the roles of the forest-land registry system in the Forest Law of 1908 and the effects this system had on the colonial forest-land policy used in Korea under the influence of Japanese Imperialism. This was started under the Profit-sharing Forest System which was one of the policies for disposing of the Korean national forests. The purpose of this system was to establish forest-land ownership, a fundamental human right. This system was enforced by the Japanese Colonial Government without regard to the customary and important right of Koreans to use the forests, and without considering the distinction between national and private forests. Koreans understood that this system was a warning sign of a tax being imposing on forest-land owners. Furthermore, Koreans thought the Japanese were using this system to deprive them of their forest-land. The strata of Koreans reporting ownership were very limited and included the intellectual(upper-middle) class, higher officials in counties and townships, relatives and relations of these officials, and survey agents. In particular the actual owners could not submit a report registering their land in this system because the required survey cost more than the value of the forest-land. Within the time period specified by the Japanese Colonial Government, about 520,000 registries were reported involving 2.2 million Jung-bo(.9917 hectare) with most of these coming during the last five months of reporting period. Koreans made a reasonable request to extend the deadline, but it was refused. After the reporting period expired there were no follow-up measures such as verification of the reported registrations nor establishment of boundaries between national and private forests. According to Article 19 in the Forest Law of 1908 about 14 million Jung-bo, which was not registered within the reporting period was nationalized. The colonial forest-land policy used in Korea by the Japanese Colonial Government was as follows : (1) to create a large number of national forests in the early period of their rule, (2) to divide these national forests into indispensible national forests and dispensible national forests, and (3) to transfer ownership of the dispensible national forests to colonial Japanese. To achieve the latter, the occupational government needed a method to insure ownership. They devised a tree-planting scheme in which the national forests classified as disposable were "loaned" and then transferred to these Japanese. The actual Korean owners claimed title to this forest-land and asked for the eviction of the new owners but the Japanese occupation government rejected these suits using the excuse that previous Korean owners did not submit the required registration report within the specified time period. In short the Principle of Forest-land Registry was used as a means to consolidate the forest-lands of Korea and distribute large portions of it to Japanese citizens after seizing it from the rightful Korean owners.

• Journal of the Korean Association of African Studies
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• v.29
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• pp.27-53
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• 2009

At the start of the new century, South Africa probably had the largest number of HIV-infected people of any country in the world. The only nation that comes close is India with a population of one billion people compared to South Africa's figure of 57 million. The tragedy is that this did not have to happen. South Africa was aware of the dangers posed by AIDS as early as 1985. In 1991, the national survey of women attending antenatal clinics found that only 0.8percent were infected. In 1994, when the new government took power, the figure was still comparatively low at 7.6 %. The 2004 figure which has been published is 26.5%. This article tracks the epidemic globally, in the region and in South Africa. I explain some of the basic concepts around the disease and look at what may happen with respect to numbers. The situation is bad, and the number of people falling ill, dying and leaving families will rise over next few years. This will impact on South Africa in a number of important ways. This article assesses the demographic, economic and social consequences of the epidemic. It disposes of a number of myths and present the real facts. The AIDS in South Africa is not related to individuals only. It warns that AIDS in Africa is becoming a community and systemic problem. The acuteness of the problem does not stem merely from the fact that communities are affected, or could even be wipe out by the end of this decade, but from the fact that AIDS will place incredible burdens and obligations upon medical services, health care and religious communities such as churches. The facts confront churches' mission with the important question: who is going to take care of all the patients and where? The reality is that people dying of AIDS will have to be cared for at home by relatives and friends. A further question that arises is whether our people are prepared for this. AIDS was considered to be a homo-plague and the hunt was on for a scapegoat in the light of the fatal implication of the disease. At present we are in the strategic phase where we all realize that it will be of no avail to scare people with the ominous threat of AIDS AIDS destroys the optimism of our achievement ethics. This exposure of the culture of optimism is also an exposure of the so-called 'human basic fear which accuses Christianity that their concept of sin is a damper on man's search for liberation and basic need to be freed from all Imitation. AIDS is also a test for our ecclesiastical genuineness and the sincerity of our mission sensibility. It poses the question: How unconditional is Christian love? Is there room for the AIDS sufferer in the community of believers, despite the fact he is an acknowledged homosexual? The question to put to the church is whether the community of believers is an exclusive to put to the koinonia which excludes homosexuals. They may be welcome on principle, but in actual fact are not acceptable to the church community. As South Africa enters the new century, it is clear that the epidemic is not having a measurable impact. However, the impact of AIDS is gradual, subtle and incremental. The author's proposal of what is currently most needed in South Africa is that the little things will make a difference. It's about doing lots of little things better at grassroots level, with the emphasis on doing. There are so many community, churches and NGOs initiatives worth building on and intensifying. One must not underestimate the therapeutic value of working together in small groups to overcome a problem

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.58-74
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• 2002

This paper constitutes a descriptive investigation and used a structured questionnaire to investigate nurses' and doctors' recognition of cancer patients. The subjects were extracted from the medical personnel working at the internal medicine, the surgery ward, the obstetrics and gynecology department, the pediatrics department, the cancer ward, and the emergency room of five general hospitals located in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province. The research lasted from August, 2001 to September 2001. Total 137 nurses and 65 doctors were included and made out the questionnaires directly distributed by the investigator. The study tool was also developed by the investigator and consisted of such items as the demographic and social characteristics, the medical personnel's recognition degree of cancer and cancer patients, their recognition of the management of cancer patients, and their participation in a hospice. The results were analyzed using the SPSS Window program in terms of technological statistics, ranks, t-test, and ANOVA. The reliability was represented in Cronbach' α=.75. The nurses' and doctors' recognition degree of cancer and cancer patients had an overall average of 3.86 at the 5 point-scale. The items that received an average of 4.0 or more included 'Medical personnel should explain about the cancer cure plans to the cancer patient and his or her family', 'A patient whose case has been diagnosed as a terminal cancer should be notified of it, 'If I were a cancer patient, I would want to get informed of it,' and 'Cancer shall be conquered whenever it is'. In the meantime, the items that received an average of 3.0 or less was 'My relationship with the cancer patient's family has gotten worse since I announced his or her impending death.' And according to the general characteristics and the difference test, the recognition degree of cancer and cancer patient was high among the subgroups of nurses, females, married persons, who were in their 30s, who had a family member that was a cancer patient, and who received a hospice education. The biggest number of the nurses and doctors saw 'a gradual approach over several days'(68.8%) as a method to tell a cancer patient about his or her cancer diagnosis or impending death. Those who usually tell tragic news were the physician in charge(62.8%), the family members or relatives(32.1%) and the clergymen(3.8%) in the order. The greatest number of them recommended a cancer patient's home as the place where he or she should face death because they thought 'it would stabilize his or her mentality'(91.9%) while a number of them recommended the hospital because they 'should give the psychological satisfaction to the patient'(40%) or 'should try their best until the last moment of the patient's death'(30%). A majority of the medical personnel regarded 'smoking or drinking' and 'diet' as the causes of cancer. The biggest symptom of a cancer patient was 'pain' and the pain management of a cancer patient was mostly impeded by the 'excessive fear of drug addiction, tolerance to drugs and side effects of drugs' by medical personnel, the patient, and his or her family. The most frequently adopted treatment plan of a terminal cancer patient was 'to do whatever the patient or his or her family wants' to resort to a hospice' and 'to continue active treatment efforts' in the order. The biggest reasons why a terminal cancer patient went to see a doctor were 'pain alleviation' 'control of symptoms other than pain(intravenous supply)' and 'incapability of the patient's family' in the order. Terminal cancer patients placed their major concern in 'spiritual(religious) matter' 'emotional matters' their family' 'existence' and 'physical matters' in the order. 113(58.5%) of the whole medical personnel answered they 'would recommend' an alternative treatment to a terminal cancer patient mostly because they assumed it would 'stabilize the patient's mentality.' Meanwhile, 80(41.5%) of them chose 'not to recommend it mostly due to the unverified effects and high cost of it(78.7%). A majority of them, I. e. 190(94.1%) subjects said they 'would recommend' a hospice to a terminal cancer patient mostly because they thought it would help the patient to 'mentally prepare'(66.6%) Only 17.3% of them, however, had received a hospice education, most of which was done through the hospital duty education(41.4%) and volunteer training(34.5%). The follows are results of this study: 1. The nurses and the doctors turned out to be still passive and experience confusion in dealing with a cancer patient despite their great sense of responsibility for him or her. 2.Nurses and Doctors realize the need of a hospice, but an extremely small number of them participate in a hospice education or performance. Thus, a whole recognition of a hospice should be changed, for which purpose a hospice education for nurses and doctors should be provided. 3.Terminal cancer patients preferred their home to a hospital as the place to face their impending death because they felt it would bring 'mental stability.' And most of nurses and doctors think it would be unnecessary for them to be hospitalized just for control of their symptoms. Accordingly a terminal cancer patient can be cared at home, and a home hospice care needs to be activated.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.52 no.5
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• pp.576-580
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• 2009

Purpose : Growth-promoting attempts are widespread in Korea, but little is known about their prevalence or associated factors. This study was designed to assess the prevalence of growth-promoting attempts among children visiting a university growth clinic. Methods : A questionnaire-based survey was carried out with 823 children (416 boys, 407 girls) who visited the growth clinic at Paik Hospital. Results : The mean age of the subjects was $10.4{\pm}2.6$ yr, and the height z-score was $-1.58{\pm}0.91$. Approximately 33.4% of the children had tried growth promotion. Among the height-gain methods, herbal medicine was the most frequently used (37.8%), followed by health-promoting supplements (37.1%), exercise or machine (3.0%), and growth hormone treatment (2.9 %). The mean age at which the parents began to worry about their children's height was 7.7 yr. The mean age at which they started height-gain methods was 8.9 yr for herbal medicine, 9.1 yr for health-promoting supplements, 9.4 yr for exercise or machine, and 9.9 yr for growth hormone treatment. Motivating factors included advice from relatives or friends (36.0%), advertisements in the Internet or newspaper (28.4%), advice from pharmacist (16.8%), and advice from their medical doctor (5.5%). The degree of satisfaction from the height-gain methods was 29.1% with growth hormone treatment, 6.6% with exercise or machine, 6.4% with herbal medicine, and 2.8% with growth-promoting supplements. Conclusion : Approximately one third of the children reported use of growth-promoting methods, but the satisfaction rate was not high. The benefits of growth-promoting methods should be carefully weighed against their costs and side effects.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.31
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• pp.371-394
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• 2013

This study aims to know word forms and usages according to personal relationships of 'Kureru Kudasaru' by analyzing dialogues of female speakers. Novels of the Meiji period when there were attempts of a language revolution were mainly used for this study as well as novels of the Edo Period and the Taisho Period. Firstly, the number of examples according to gender differences in the novels was as follows. In case of 'Kureru', female speakers showed a high usage rate in the novels of the Edo period. 'Kureru' was mostly connected with female languages such as 'Naharu', 'Namasu', 'Nansu'. These expressions were not used in the novels of the Meiji Period and the Taisho Period. Although 'Okureru' and 'Okurenasaru' were used in the novels of the Meiji Period, the number of examples of 'Kureru' by female speakers was decreased in the novels of the Meiji Period and the Taisho Period. 'Kudasaru' was predominantly used by female speakers. Especially, female speakers used clearly to show vertical relationships in the novels of the Edo Period and"Doseishoseikatagi"of Meiji 10s. After"Ukigumo", the usage rate of female speakers was decreased but the usage rate of male speakers was increased. Gender differences became gradually smaller. Female speakers in the novels were increased from geisha and relatives such as wife, sister, mother and children to young women, teacher and student. Aspects of benefactive verbs' usages could be summarized as follows. Female speakers at licensed quarters used clearer and more typical expressions according to vertical relationships and gender differences in the novels of The Edo Period than the novels of The Meiji Period and the Taisho Period. In the novels of the Meiji Period, female speakers in a sophisticated social group used benefactive verbs to show strong respect and concern for the other person. In the novels of the Taisho Period, female speakers used benefactive verbs to show respect and concern for the other person according to their areas of outside activities. In the novels of the Meiji Period, female speakers used 'Okureru' when the other person was younger than them and was socially and psychologically close to them. Also, 'O~Nasaru' which was one of respect expressions was used by female speakers. Female speakers used it to older people in the Edo period but they also used it to younger people in the Meiji Period. Examples were not shown in the novels of the Taisho Period. Usages of 'Kureru' 'Kudasaru' according to vertical relationships were as follows. If 'a giver' was an older person, 'Kureru' with respect expressions 'Nasaru' 'Nansu' 'Namasu' was used more than 'Kudasaru' in the novels of the Edo Period. However, many examples of 'Kudasaru' were shown on the novels of the Meiji Period and the Taisho period. In the novels of the Meiji Period, 'Okureru' and 'Okurenasaru' which were expressions included in 'Kureru' were shown. Female speakers used them to older people who were socially and psychologically close to them like family. There were not many examples of 'a giver' and 'a receiver' around the same age. However, 'Kureru' and 'Okureru' were used in a younger group and 'Kudasaru' was used in an older group in the novels of the Meiji Period. If 'a giver' was an younger person, 'Kureru' was mainly used in the novels of the Edo period and "Doseishoseikatagi"in Meiji 10s. However, 'Kudasaru' was used many times in the novels of the latter Meiji Period and the Taisho Period.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.93-126
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• 2009

This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.