• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.267-302
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• 2019

Oral literature can largely be categorized into myth, legend, and folktales, which are stories orally transmitted from the prehistoric times. The purpose of this study is to compare the discourse on the oral literature of the East and the West from a cultural studies viewpoint by focusing on its "symbolic systems," particularly "figures of speech," or "tropic traits", in order to utilize this oral literature as a resource in the study of Northeast Asian culture. Undergoing modernization, the symbolic meaning of oral literature has been demythologized both in the West and in Northeast Asia. Of course, oral literature, verbally transmitted over a long period of time, has naturally been changed over time and even "contaminated" in a sense by losing its original archaic archetype while it was textualized with letters during the early period of the modernization process. Nevertheless, the principle of "resemblance" and "similarity" between nature/universe and human/humanity, which has been stripped away in modernity, can still be found in oral literature with its mythic power. For this reason, the study of oral literature in the West has attempted to restore the lost magical power within it, particularly in myth. As such, this study delves into the symbolism of the mythic thought of Northeast Asian countries, namely Korea, China, and Japan, which has been lost in the course of their compressed modernization, in relation to the tropic figures of their oral literatures.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.53-76
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• 2017

To solve the crisis of bill of lading, every effort has been made to introduce the electronic bill of lading and sea waybill on a global basis. In spite of these efforts, electronic bill of lading is not introduced practically so farm but sea waybill is used in western nations to cope with the crisis of bill of lading. But there is a practice that surrendered bill of lading is used insead of sea waybill in Korea, China and Japan to do so. The surrendered bill of lading faces the problem that it is not considered legally as bill of lading and the decisions rendered by each nation's courts are different according to the usages of surrendered bill of lading. So careful consideration must be made in regard to these decisions. The purpose of this paper is to avoid the disputes in advance in using the surrendered bill of lading by analyzing the precedents for the surrendered bill of lading and finding its notes. This paper analyzed the precedents regarding the surrendered bill of lading and found the notes as follows; Firstly, the surrendered bill of lading is not a kind of bill of lading but a practice that a consignee can take delivery of the cargo without loss of time at destination without redemption of original bill of lading. Secondly, the parties must take legal steps in using the surrendered bill of lading as the bill of lading acts cannot apply to the surrendered bill of lading. Thirdly, the parties should establish their practice in using the surrendered bill of lading. Fourthly, it is reasonable to use the sea waybill as a substitute for the surrendered bill of lading.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.20
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• pp.169-191
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• 2009

The Four Tenets of Daesoon thought are the Creative conjunction of the virtues of Eum and Yang, the Harmonious union of divine beings and human beings, the Resolution of grievances for the mutual beneficence of all life and the Realization of the Dao in the world. This article compares the concepts of the "Creative conjunction of the virtues of Eum and Yang", the "Harmonious union of divine beings and human beings" and the "Resolution of grievances for the mutual beneficence of all life" with "EumYangDaeDaeRon", "ShinMyonKiDeok", the Theory of Mutual Giving Life / Mutual Destruction (SangSaeng/SangGeukRon) of the Book of Changes and analyzes their common and different points. The conclusion is that Daesoon thought and the philosophy of the Book of Changes share common fundamental standpoints. However, the Daesoon thought defines the world of SeonCheon (the state before the Heaven and Earth have been created) as Mutual Giving Life (SangSaeng), and the world of HuCheon (the state after the Heaven and Earth have been created) as Mutual Destruction (SangGeuk). According to Daesoon thought the Mutual Destruction (SangGeuk) is seen as negative, while according to the philosophy of the Book of Changes the Theory of Mutual Giving Live/Mutual Destruction (SangSaeng/SangGeukRon) is viewed as a positive relationship of EumYangDaeDae. This is a point of difference between the Daesoon thought and the philosophy of the Book of Changes. According to EumYangDaeDae relationship theory the contradictory "other" is viewed not as an enemy, but as a necessary element that assures one's existence. When Buddhism and Christianity first came to existence, they did not belong to a main stream. Later, through continuous theorization and systematization they became generally accepted religions. The case of Confucianism was not much different. During Song dynasty in China Buddhism has contributed to the systematization and establishment of Neo-Confucianism; in the middle of 20th century the Confucian scholars of Hong Kong and Taiwan interpreted and defined Confucianism a new in the light of Western philosophy. Thus the "Modern Neo-Confucianism" came to existence. That's why the history of Confucianism is also called "the history of advancing and developing a concept". From this point of view the critical acceptance of some elements of Confucian, Buddhist, Taoist etc. traditions, as well as modern philosophy, by Daesoon, in order to achieve the systematization of Daesoon thought, is a very important process. As a part of this process, this essay explains the Daesoon thought from the point of view of the Book of Changes, which may be said to present the original East-Asian view of the world. Daesoon's emphasis of human dignity, the equality of sexes, the critics the hierarchical society etc. are rather "modern" and should be examined from the point of view of social science. Besides, leaving the boundaries of "modern philosophy", the concepts of "Harmonious union of divine beings and human beings", viewing the universe as one organism etc. should be approached from the point of view of Post-Modernism.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.113-134
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• 2007

This study investigated body-related values, body-esteem, and the relationship between them based on the survey data drawn from female college students in three East Asian countries(Korea, Japan, and China). 168 Korean, 108 Chinese, and 152 Japanese female college students responded to questions designed to measure four sorts of body values (operability, inclination, locus of evaluation, and social utility) and four dimensions of body esteem (appearance, weight, health, overall). The results showed that body-related values and body-esteem differ among three countries. Japanese showed the highest acceptance level for the voluntary body alteration(operability), while chinese scored the lowest. Inclination to body appearance over health was higher in Korean than in Japanese and in Chinese. Korean also evaluated the importance of body appearance and its social utility the highest, followed by Japanese and Chinese. There were dramatic differences in body esteem between Korean and Japanese. Regarding body-esteem, Korean showed the highest appearance-esteem, but the health-esteem was the lowest. On the contrary, Japanese showed the highest health-esteem, but the appearance-esteem was lowest. Chinese showed the highest weight-esteem. Four sorts of body values showed significant correlations with appearance-esteem and weight-esteem, respectively but not with health-esteem. Overall, the result supported the prediction that different political, social, and economic backdrops in three countries would be related with different body-related values and body esteem in the female college students.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.74-95
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• 2024

A vast body of inscribed bricks has been found connected to the mid-fourth-century Tomb of Jang Mui in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province. After several inspections of the bricks conducted at the National Museum of Korea in 2023, these inscribed bricks were grouped into ten types. This paper interprets in detail the phrases written on these bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui in an attempt to understand their characteristics and intentions. This detailed interpretation facilitates a rough understanding of how each phrase relates to the others and in what order the phrases would make full sentences. In terms of their contents, these inscribed bricks are presumed to have been produced to convey information about the construction of the tomb to viewers on the outside. In particular, they relate that a narrator referred to as a Jubu official named Jo was involved in the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui. They can be compared to the inscribed bricks created in China during the Western Jin and Eastern Jin Dynasties that were produced not by family members of the tomb occupants, but by figures who participated in the construction of the tombs based on political and social connections to their occupants. During the mid-fourth century, funeral practices in the former lands of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies followed Chinese traditions with the permission of Goguryeo Kingdom. Many of the artifacts found inside these Chinese-style tombs and introduced to the public, including the murals, ink inscriptions, and inscribed bricks, are related to the desire of the family members of the tomb occupants to strengthen their bonds and to share emotions and goals with settler groups. The contents of the inscribed bricks discovered from the Tomb of Jang Mui can be observed in this context.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.187-201
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• 2007

The first magnetotelluric (MT) transect across the Korean Peninsula was obtained traversing from the East Sea shoreline to the Yellow Sea shoreline. The MT survey profile was designed perpendicular to the strike of the principal geologic structure of the Korean Peninsula $(N30^{\circ}E)$, so-called 'China direction'. MT data were achieved at 50 sites with spacings of $3{\sim}8km$ along the 240 km survey line. The impedance responses are divided into four subsets reflecting typical geological units: the Kyonggi Massif, the Okchon Belt, the western part of the Kyongsang Basin, and the eastern part of the Kyongsang Basin. In the western part of the Kyongsang Basin, the thickness of the sedimentary layer is estimated to be about 3 km to 8 km and its resistivity is a few hundred ohm-m. A highly conductive layer with a resistivity of 1 to 30 ohm-m was detected beneath the sedimentary layer. The MT data at the Okchon Belt show peculiar responses with phase exceeding $90^{\circ}$. This feature may be explained by an electrically anisotropic structure which is composed of a narrow anisotropic block and an anisotropic layer. The Kyonggi Massif and the eastern part of Kyongsang Basin play a role of window to the deep geoelectrical structure because of the very high resistivity of upper crust. The second layers with highest resistivities in 1-D conductivity models occupy the upper crust with thicknesses of 13 km in the Kyonggi Massif and 18 km in the eastern Kyongsang Basin, respectively.

• The Korean Journal of Quaternary Research
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2002

A total of 4 muddy sediment samples collected from the Central Yellow Sea were analyzed for chemical composition. The results are compared with the previously published Huanghe, Changjiang and Keum River geochemical data in order to understand provenance and sedimentation of fine-grained mud, and the sediment accumulation rates estimated. The sandy sediment facies is distributed in the eastern area, a patch of fine-grained mud exists in the western central prat, and the sandy mud and clay sedimentary facies shot. north to south zonal distribution in the central region. The content of calcium carbonate ranges from 2.8 to 10.5%, and its distributional trends to be more concentrated on the western muddy sediments near toward the China side rather than on the eastern sandy sediments. The accumulation rates obtained using Pb-210 geochronologies for the muddy sediments in the Central Yellow Sea showed ranges from 0.21 to 0.68 cm/yr or 0.176 to 0.714 g/$\textrm{cm}^2$. yr. The sedimentation rate from core CY96010 located in the eastern near side of Shandong Peninsula which is affected by the Huanghe River shows 0.68 cm/yr or 0.714 g/$\textrm{cm}^2$ . yr. The sediment cores CY96008 and CY96002 in the Central Yellow Sea, the estimated of sediment accumulation rates shows 0.21~0.23cm1yr or 0.176~0.220 9/$\textrm{cm}^2$.Vr respectively, which are much lower than above samples. These indicate that the muddy sediments in central area of the Yellow Sea may have received influence of the sediment discharge from the Huanghe River. The concentrations of Ca, Na, Sr, Ho, La, Tb, Ta and Ca/Ti ratio of the muddy sediments in the Central Yellow Sea are higher than those of the Changjiang sediments and lower than those of the Huanghe sediments. However, these element values showed similar concentration patterns than those of the Huanghe sediment. The element contents such as Fe, Ti, Nl, Co, Cr, Cu, Pb, Sc, Ce, Nd, Sm, Eu, Cd and Dy in the study area are higher than those of the Huanghe sediments and lower than the Changjiang River sediments, but these values showed close to resemblance content trends those of the Changjiang sediment. The concentration of Mn, K and Sr in sediments of the study area are similar to those of the Keum River and eastern Yellow Sea sediment. They are rich in Zn, Rb, Cd, U, Cs and Li than those of the other comparison legions. Therefore, the terrigenous materials sources of the muddy sediment in the Central Yellow Sea comes mainly from Huanghe River in the past and present, and also have party derived from the Changjiang and Keum River, while the biological deposit in this area are carried by the Yellow Sea Warm Current.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.249-267
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• 2016

The Hongseong area of the central-western Korean Peninsula is considered to be a part of collision zone that is tectonically correlated to the Qinling-Dabie-Sulu belt of China. The area includes the elliptical-shaped serpentinized ultramafic bodies, together with mafic rocks. The studied bodies are in contact with the surrounded Neoproterozoic alkali granites at the Baekdong and Wonnojeon bodies and the Paleoproterozoic Yugu gneiss at the Bibong body. The Baekdong body contains the blocks of the Neoproterozoic alkali granites and the Late Paleozoic metabasites. The Bibong body also includes the Neoproterozoic alkali granite blocks. The Mesozoic intrusive rocks are also recognized at the Baekdong, Wonnojeon and Bibong bodies. On the other hand, the Early Cretaceous volcanic rocks are occurred at the Bibong body. The detrital zircon SHRIMP U-Pb ages of the serpentinites at three bodies range variously from Neoarchean to Middle Paleozoic at the Baekdong body, and from Neoarchean to Early Cretaceous at the Wonnojeon and Bibong bodies. Although serpentinization does not generally produce minerals suitable for direct isotopic dating, the youngest Middle Paleozoic age at the Baekdong body and the Early Cretaceous age at the Wonnojeon and Bibong bodies indicate the possible upper age limit for the (re)serpentinization. Especially, the Early Cretaceous serpentinization ages may be related to the widespread Early Cretaceous igneous activity in the central-southern Korean Peninsula. Age results for the serpentinite bodies and the included blocks of the studied serpentinized ultramafic bodies in the Hongseong area, therefore, provide several possible interpretations for the serpentinization ages of the ultramafic rocks as well as the geotectonic implications of serpentinization, requiring more detailed study including other serpentinized ultramafic bodies in the Hongseong area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.206-225
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• 2019

This paper examines the trade and development aspects of glass mirrors through the literature records of the Joseon Dynasty, and studies the characteristics of existing glass mirror crafts by referring to the terms and types shown in the literature. The glass mirror in the records had called western mirrors(西洋鏡, 洋鏡), glass mirrors(玻璃鏡, 玻瓈鏡), stone mirrors(石鏡), etc. Glass mirrors were imported mainly through trade with Russia and the Qing Dynasty since the 17th century and were banned from importation in the late Joseon Dynasty. These mirrors were something new that caused a great stirring in Joseon society in the 18th century, and in the 19th century, it grew larger as a commodity needed for everyday life, especially with trade with Japan. At that time, glass mirrors were used for various purposes, such as installing large glass at a store, which were not the standard mirror usage of confirming one's appearance. These mirrors surprised Koreans in Joseon who experienced them at Yanjing Liulichang(燕京 琉璃廠) in the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, the demand for glass mirrors rapidly increased and quickly surpassed that of bronze mirrors. Consequentially, new crafts using glass mirrors instead of bronze mirrors in Joseon began to be produced and used after the 18th century. In particular, integrated flat boards of glass mirrors were developed as crafts used indoors. It was convenient to use the hair comb box, a long-time presence in Joseon society, with the bronze mirror. This kind of mirror remained apparent in various genre paintings, including the Taepyeong Seongsido(太平城市圖, 'A Thriving City in a Peaceful Era') collected the National Museum of Korea which reflect its populism of the times. Also, the Mirror Stand(鏡臺) used in the Qing Period was produced in Joseon, but there was a difference in the way of making the drawers and box shapes between two nations. On the other hand, the Face Mirror(面鏡) was made to look at the face. Various crafts made with the aesthetic sense of Joseon, such as the ox horn inlaying craft technique, were produced with auspicious designs. In the 19th century, glass mirrors were imported from European countries, such as France, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, however after the end of the 19th century Japanese crafts were popular. Glass mirrors, which were popular in the Meiji and Taisho eras of Japan, were imported and also the Mirror Screen(鏡屛) using large glass mirrors were used. In particular, the mirror screen had developed wood furniture since the previous time, which were used for banquets and large spaces, such as the drawing room, and were imported from China and Japan. In addition, the western architectural effect of attaching a mirror to the wall was also attempted to adjust the brightness of the space and introduce another image and scenery in the mirror. This was done at Deoksugung Palace's Seokjojeon.