• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.40
• /
• pp.191-225
• /
• 2000

The purpose of this study is to formulate the way of the feminist strategy in Germany which is to change in the process of the globalization in the economic relations. The radical feminism which is the main streaming of german feminism shows a little interest in the role of the german welfare state (social state) to improve the quality of life of women. The german welfare state is, as the feminism says, only a instrument of patriarchy to perpetuate the domination of men over women. The german welfare state has played, but, an important role for the individualization of the relation of women's life which is the first condition for the emancipation of women from the patriarchal domination. That is a result of the interaction between the german welfare state and feminism. The role of the german welfare state for the interest of women is now challenged by the globalization of the economic relations which tries to reduce the standard of social services. The greatest victim of this process is women. Therefore it is necessary for the german feminism to think over the way of his strategy in relation to the german welfare state. The content of this study is as follows: First, the historical background of the german feminism explains how the radical feminism has become the mainstreaming of the german feminism. Seconds, the feminist strategy which rejects the role of the german welfare state for the interest of women has its own limits. Third, the german welfare state has not only developed the ideology of breadwinner but also contributed to the beginning of independent life of woman who were under the control of man. Fourth, the german welfare state is challenged by the economic globalization and being changed by the economic globalization. Fifth, therefore, the feminism has to concentrate to develop a strategy which accepts the limit and the possibility of german welfare state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.49
• /
• pp.162-189
• /
• 2002

In general, every welfare state is to be productive. If not, the welfare state itself cannot be sustainable because resource for the development of welfare only comes from a sound level of economic development However, how to mix welfare and production differs from country to country. This article tackles this phenomenon as a starting point. Granted, contemporary studies of comparative welfare state often starts from the theory of welfare regime which has been suggested by Esping-Andersen. This article also regards the framework as an analytic tool to elaborate upon the concept of productive welfare and to categorize different types of conception of productive welfare. In liberal regime, the concept is so narrowly interpreted that they emphasize micro-efficiency of specific welfare programs. On the contrary, the other two regime types recognize the concept of productive welfare as relatively wide. Therefore, conservative and social democratic regimes underscore macro-efficiency of the welfare state as a whole. Empirical analyses of this article explores each regime's success and failure in terms of achieving fundamental goals of the welfare state, i.e. economic development and enhancement of equality. A series of evidence show that liberal regime fails in achieving both goals, while the other two regimes seem to be relatively successful. In conclusion, it may be pointed out that current tendency of neo-liberalism and anti-welfarism in Korea should be overcome, which must be the prime task of social welfare academia of this country.

• International Journal of Human Ecology
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.73-94
• /
• 2002

The important argument explored in this article is women's position in welfare regimes. By examining feminist critiques on the welfare state, we intend to look into whether the welfare state is designed to promote the equal status of both men and women. In the post-war period, it was believed that social provision, together with full employment and rising real wages, would improve the welfare of all citizens. However, women were inevitably treated as second class citizens by the new welfare legislation and were assumed to be economically dependent on their husbands. As a result, though welfare provision plays a significant and liberating role in women's lives in some ways, it may also serve to restrict women by defining them in certain ways. This contradictory situations is especially true in successfully developing third world countries such as Korea. This is because the western welfare state can be misconceived as an idealistic model in which men and women obtain equality in terms of social context.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.41 no.3
• /
• pp.5-27
• /
• 2010

The objective of this study is to examine the dicourse of East Asian Welfare Models and its applicability to explain the development of the Korean Welfare State(regime). The Confucianist Welfare State, representing East Asian Welfare Models has limitations in explaining the current features and dynamics of east asian welfare states. Compared to the western and northern european welfare states, the Welfare State(Regime) of Korea, one of the east asian countries show the clear differences in terms of its origin, the background of formulation, the orientation of the policy and the actors. Thus, a new approach to examine the East Asian Welfare Model is needed. As a theoretical framework, the origin and the growth of the Korean Welfare State(Regime) can be understood and explained in the boundary of concept and the theoretical framework of the Authoritative Developmental State; Historically, the democratization of the 1980s and the financial crisis of the end of 1990s in Korea contributed to the growth of the welfare policies and institutions in Korea. Japan, Taiwan and other east asian counties, such as Hong Kong and Singapore have many similarities with Korea in terms of welfare policies and institutions. Comparative studies of these countries can create significant and useful results to develop a new concept and model of East Asian Welfare States. Case studies and active academic exchanges among welfare state researchers in these east asian countries are very important to develop a new concept of East Asian Welfare State Models.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• no.37
• /
• pp.117-144
• /
• 2008

This is a timeseries study on the riving forces behind the changes of Korean welfare state. There are a few previous studies on the determinants of korean welfare state. These previous studies have some limitations in terms of reliability of the data source and validity of the statistical method used. Using the Comparative Social Policy Data-set(CSPD), we try to overcome the limitation of these previous studies. And adapting the time series regression, we examine the hypotheses about the changes of korean welfare state. In this study, four dependent variables are examined: the ratio of public social welfare expenditure to the GDP(WELGDP), the ratio of public social welfare expenditure to the government budget(WELGOV), the ratio of social expenditure to the GDP(SOCX), social welfare expenditure per capita. And independent variables were selected based on the theoretical background on the changes of welfare state. The results of this study as follows: First, the variables based on structural functionalism (industrialization) are the major driving forces behind the changes of korean welfare state since 1960s. Second, the effect of unemployment variable may be reasonably interpreted as reflecting the residual characteristics of korean welfare state. Third, the politics of the left based on power resource theory should be restrictedly interpreted. Ultimately, korean welfare state is still at rudimentary stage where the theory of industrialization is well applied as a driving forces behind the changes of welfare state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.220-249
• /
• 2001

In order to understand the provision of social welfare in Korea, this study puts forward a method to measure and tracks the welfare mix, and applies the method to Korea. This is the goal of this study, which is in three parts. First, I critically review the concept of welfare pluralism and develop the welfare mix model, Second, I present a methodology and technique for measuring and systematically comparing the components of the welfare mix. Third, I examine the roles of five welfare providers including state, market, non-profit organization, enterprise and family in the welfare mix of Korea. This study argues that the welfare mix in Korea has some characteristics of 'residual state, expanded market, negligible voluntary sector, and protective family'. The state in Korea has played a relatively little role in the provision of social welfare, enforcing most Koreans being with a meagre social protection. Thus, most of the 'left' needs for social welfare has to be met in the private sector composed of market and enterprises. In addition, in a situation that self/mutual help through family or community is encouraged, the family has played an important role in the welfare mix. But the role of voluntary sector in the welfare mix has remained negligible. Consequently, the characteristics of the welfare mix in Korea can be best described by a welfare society rather than a welfare state.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Child Welfare
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.35-64
• /
• 2011

This research reviews the education welfare priority support project and analyzes its policy from the welfare-state perspective. This study evaluates the policy contents, overall procedures, and the changes in the perspectives of the project in accordance with the political power changes in the government, and illuminates future directions. For this, the research infers desirable typology of the welfare state, and analogizes the budget, the target population, key issues and delivery systems of the education welfare priority support project. Education welfare priority support project still remains to follow a selective and hierarchical business format, despite the legally stated initiatives, growing budget, and the expansion of the operation which has been governed by the policy makers. Particularly, the state of this project, and examine whether or not it has been distorted by the governmental emphasis on the educational outcomes and performance should continuously be examined as a future direction of the research. Finally, the study suggests several recommendations for the desirable anchorage of the project within the framework of being a prospective welfare state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.63 no.2
• /
• pp.57-79
• /
• 2011

Universalism has received a considerable amount of attention in recent discussion of Korea welfare state. This paper explores tensions between universal, selective and residual welfare policies in Korea. It argues that selective welfare policies are useful allies for developing the universal welfare state. At the same time, principles of universalism are always formed in particular socioeconomic and historical contexts, and reflect the solidarity of various social stratifications or classes. This implies that the principles must be regarded as open to contestation, reformulation and change. The way to develope universal welfare state in Korea shouldn't follow the path observed in the Western welfare states. Korean society needs to find its own principles and path to develop a universal welfare state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.42 no.2
• /
• pp.97-122
• /
• 2011

After global economic crisis, most countries increased the welfare expenditure as a part of stimulus package. As a However welfare expenditure was decreased radically as the crisis was transmitted into the financial crisis. Which turning point is the welfare state going through now? Although the need for the welfare and the role of the state to take responsibility of public welfare has increased because of poverty and polarization, responses of the state against the crisis had focused on the aid to the financial industry and cutting taxes and showed limitations in coordination. Financial limitation of welfare expenditure, political individualism, the change of class politics and the mixture of the welfare institutions and financial institutions make have a pessimistic prospect of the retrenchment to the minimalist welfare state. As neoliberal state is continued cash benefits mainly for the middle class is being decreased. As a result, the direction the welfare states pursue is prospected to win over the poor by strengthening selectivity in welfare provision rather than class coordination.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.44 no.3
• /
• pp.371-393
• /
• 2013

The objective of this article is to compare the characteristics and the origin of Welfare State in Korea and France. This study also finds out the causes of underdevelopment of Welfare State in Korea. In the third Republic of France, the first Industrial Accident Compensation Law was legislated in 1898. The discussion of the project of Law commenced in 1880. The Parliamentary Debate on the legislation of the Law had continued for 18 years. The leaders of the debate was the group of progressive Republicans(Radicals) in the French Parliament. In Korea, it was also in the period of the third Repulic, the President and several members of the Supreme Committee of National Reconstruction (Guk-Ga-Jai-Gun-Choi-Go-Ho-Eui), the authoritative military government who enacted and developed the Social Insurance Law of Industrial Accident Compensation, the first Law of Welfare State in Korea. However, Korea and France show more differences than similarities in the terms of the origin of the Welfare State. The motivations and goals of social policies of the two countries were quite different at the beginning stage. In France, the progressive Republicans of Parliament made welfare state policies in order to maintain the politico-social hegemony and social peace by provision of economic supports to workers. In Korea, the group of military officers had begun the welfare legislation in order to win the general election and obtain political power in 1963. Comparison on the origins of the welfare states in the two countries shows similarities as well as differences in terms of the role of actors. In France, the state and the owners of big enterprises had agreed and played positive roles in the legislation of the welfare state policies. However, the owners of small companies, merchants and farmers had played negative roles. Like the French case, Korean government and owners of big enterprises had played positive roles. The state as a major actor of the legislation of the social insurance programs in the two countries are slightly different. In Korea, the owners of small companies had played negative roles in making of medical insurance programs in 1976. Comparison of the current state of two welfare states shows substantial differences in terms of the development of the welfare state. What is the reason for such differences? Why does Korean Welfare State underdevelop? Historically, the developmentalism as an major ideology of the third Republic of Korea has continually influenced the underdevelopment of the Welfare State. It implies that Koreans have to invent a new ideology of Welfare State which can replace the developmentalism and support the development of Welfare State in the future. Without such a new ideology, it is very difficult to develop an european style welfare state in Korea.