• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.71-79
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• 1995

Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 19, No. 1 (199i) p. 71~79 The authors study on the traditional textile production and the formal dress through the field research concerning the folk attitude toward dress style around the Mt. Kumo area. In this area, people produced and wove hemp, cotton, and silk except ramie. Because of poor production of raw materials, they produced textiles only for self-sufficiency. Every household dealt with dyeing on a small scale. In the past, people dyed cloth natually using plants as material. Natural dyeing, however, gradually changed into chemical one since the Japanese rule. The formal dresses, which people wore on particular occasions such as the hundredth day after child's brith, the first birthday, and traditional holidays, were very meager due to poor living standards. People could not see the formal dresses with full decoration. Bride and bridegroom were the village.owned wedding dresses, and if they could not afford to, they simply put cloth on to remember the occasion. People around the Mt. Kumo area, however, provided fully-decorated shroud and ritual robes to the level of other better-off areas. It seemed to be the result of influence of deep-rooted Confucianism in Gyungbuk province. This Phenomenon could be found in the folk dress style in other regions as well as the Mt. Kumo area in Gyungbuk province.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.237-260
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• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.63 no.2
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• pp.29-44
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• 2013

This study is about the periodic characteristics of Wonsam in the Joseon Dynasty. Wonsam include the Danryeong-shaped Wonsam in the beginning, the compound Wonsam in a period of transition and the stereotyped Wonsam in the late Joseon Dynasty. The formative characteristics of Wonsam are divided into four stages. The first stage of the Wonsam is from the 15th to 16th century. The shape of Wonsam began to form and it was similar to one of Danryeong during this time. The formative characteristics of the first Wonsam included collars that looked like one of Danryeong, side pleats(called Moo) with multiple inner folds, straight cylinder-shaped sleeves, and a belt tied with the Wonsam. There were various fabrics that were used for the Wonsam from this stage. Second stage of the Wonsam is from the early 17th to mid 17th century. This period marked the beginning of the transition of the Wonsam and it served as a stepping-stone to the development stage in the Joseon Dynasty. The characteristics of the transitional Wonsam were a complex combination of the Danryeong and Wonsam. During this period, the Wonsam went through many changes and forms in a short period of time. Third stage of the Wonsam is from the mid 17th to early 19th century. The Wonsam was developed at this stage. The developed Wonsam went through a period of transition equipped with a stable form. The formative characteristics of Wonsam during this period included collars that faced each other, big and wide sleeves with multicolored stripes, Hansam, curve-edged side seam and the side pleats(Moo) with multiple inner folds had disappeared. It was a turning point from the single-layered clothes to double layered clothes and from dark blue to green color appeared at this time. The fabric patterns of this stage tended to consist of more simplified silk pattern. The fourth stage of the Wonsam is from the late 19th to 20th century. The Wonsam was expanded at this stage. The formative characteristics and fabrics were typically used for the standard Wonsam and were divided into two types; as a ceremonial robe used in courts and a wedding ceremonial robe for the common people. Phenomena such as sewing of double-layered clothes as one and straight-edged side seam during the late Joseon period developed into simpler and more practical fashion culture.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.158-175
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• 2001

The purpose of this study was to understand and improve the clothing habits and the apparel industry of North Korea in preparation for the reunification of South and North Korea. For this study, literary data, reports, periodicals, interviews and internet data of the two Koreas were reviewed. North Korean clothing habits used to be monotonous and uniform but nowadays people's clothes have become somewhat brighter in color and more diverse in design than before. In particular, liberal and individual dressing habits appeared among the privileged classes. When taking part in national events, women have to wear the traditional Korean costume, Hanbok, while men wear business suits for formal wear. In general, men don't wear Hanbok. Students have to be in uniforms but blue jeans, T-shirts with English logos were popular among them reflecting their sensitivity and openness towards western cultures. The brides usually wear pink Hanboks and the bridegrooms wear black business suits for their wedding. North Koreans also wear Hanbok on national holidays like South Koreans. Clothing is the most important item in the trade of process commission between North and South Korea. Trading items are mid to low end men's clothing for the most part due to less emphasis on fashion in the North. The processing is indirect trade and composed of sample making and contracting, sending out materials and production, carrying in goods and setting accounts. To activate South-North trade, establishment of infrastructure, stabilization of shipping, reducing high costs of distribution, building direct communication system by setting up office in a neutral zone and simplifying procedures in applying for the South and North Korea Economic Cooperation Fund. On the other hand, clothing and textiles education is carried on at art colleges, light industries colleges and commercial colleges in Pyongyang. Clothing institutes which study Hanbok and Western clothes, are installed in each city and province. Graduates who majored in clothing and textiles are posted in institutes or apparel factories. Their job is designing, patternmaking and sewing for their customers. Most of them are women and in good state of economic conditions. The North Korean clothing industry has been the core national industry that has developed based on overseas demand form the mid 1980s. The standard is that of South Korea in the early 1980s. In 1999, trade of North Korean textile products with trade counterparts such as Japan and China was $1.3 million in exports and $1.27 in imports. Of this amount the export takes up 25.4% of the total exports in North Korea. However, fundamentally even in sectors that are irrelevant to politics such as the fashion clothing industry, trust between the South and North should be a prerequisite. Only through this can exchange between North and South and economic cooperation contribute towards the reunification.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.39
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• pp.217-237
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• 1998

The present research is to study the make-up culture of Korea and its neighboring countries such as China and Japan during the period from the prehistoric age to the 19th cen-tury. The research was made by documents analysis. The results are summerised as follows : (1) A man has a basic instinct to beautify himself. There was not a significant difference between the make-up behavior of men and women in its primal stage. It was by the start of farming and the division of labor that made the make-up behavior as a feminine culture. The difference of sexual role caused the con-ceptual difference between manly beauty and womanly beauty. It was very natural for women to regard the make-up as the best way for showing their feminine beauty. In Korea, China and Japan, there were vari-ous kinds of primal actions such as tattooing, body-painting, and tooth make-up which were used in the purpose of body protection, incantation, ornament, and so on. Ass their ornamental purpose was becoming more important, these primal actions became the basis of the feminine make-up culture. Nowadays make-up, having mental and emo-tional function, is helpful to increasing self-satisfaction, promoting good personal relation-ship, and attracting attention from the other sex. It also has other functions of showing social status, wealth, age, sex, courage, power, and so on. (2) The representative make-up product used widely in the three countries was Boon (powder) which decides the overall color of face. The key point in the production of Boon was to increase its power of adsorption. The invention of Yunboon (power mixed with lead) solved this major problem of Boon. Yeonji which decides the color of cheek was the mixture of Boon and the powder of Honghwa (a kind of red-colored flower or tree). Mimook (eyebrow pencil) was developed to match up with the various and changing currencies of penciling eyebrows in each nation and times, Yeonji and Joosa (red sand) were used as Jinji (lip stick). The predominant color of Jinji was red. As miscellaneous methods of partial make-up, there were Kon-ji used in a wedding cer-emony in korea, Aek-hwang, Hwa-jeon, Sa-hong, and Myun-yup in China, and Chi-heuk, a peculial method of partial make-up in japan. (3) There were various factors which decided the characteristics of make-up culture usually reflects international atmosphere, the form of government, economic situation, re-ligious and social ideology, aesthetic sense, symbolizing meanings of colors, and so on. The up and down of an influentian country was one of the major factors which decided the characteristics of the make-up culture of its neighboring countries. When a country took a liberal form of government, it had diverse and splendid tendencies in its make-up culture. The better a nation's economic situation is, the more abandant and various its make-up culture is, and sometimes, the more eccentric and decadents it was. In the field of make-up production, the three countries had their own characteristics. But, as a whole, China was the leading nation who spread the culture and products of make-up to Korea and Japan. Though the Chinese make-up culture and products were usually spread to Japan through Korean, there was some evidence of direct exchanges between China and Japan through its dispatches of Kyun-Tang-Sa(Japanese delegation to the Tang Dynasty). While religion had a positive influence on the development of make-up culture by introducing new methods of make-up, Confucianism exercised strict control over the make-up cul-ture. The currencies in arts and changes of esthetic sense introduced new methods and booms to the make-up culture. Literature made people pay increasing attentions to the countenances of women and changed the standards of esthetic sense. We can find out that the social status of woman was also reflected in the make-up culture. As the social status of women became higher, the feminine make-up culture also developed more then ever. As mentioned above, the make-up cultures of the three countries reflected their social values, esthetic senses, and emotional feelings. Through their cultural exchanges, the three countries could develop various make-up products and methods.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.39
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• pp.113-123
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• 1998

This study focuses on the effects of the clothes worn by kisaeng; courtesans trained in singing and dancing, on changes in female psychology as reflected in general women's fashions during the later years of the Chosun dynasty. During this period, the social order had broken down considerable, due in part to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, and in part to the actions of Sil-hak, who emphasized open-ness and practicality in the organization of social affairs. This freer social environment disrup-ted the established social hierarchies. The kisaeng were among the first to respond to the new social mores by adopting more colorful, sensual, and individualized fashions. Their social position allowed them to reflect the new aesthetics of the time right away. Those aesthetics seemed to lay great emphasis on the artistic effects of contrast. The kisaeng would adorn their heads with large Kache (an elaborate wig or hairdo typically reserved for use by women in full formal dress). In contrast to this conspicuous hairstyle, they typically wore very tight-fitting Jogori (short-cropped Korean traditional jackets for women) around their upper torsos. The long skirts emerging from beneath these short jackets would typically flare out dramatically, with the aid of petticoats. However, these skirts would be bound at the waist with a sash, increasing the sexual suggestiveness of the clothing by drawing at-tention to the hips, and by exposing the bottom frills of the petticoats, or the wide pantal-oons and other undergarments the kisaeng wore to add volume to their skirts. The relative freedom enjoyed by the kisaeng to experiment with new fashions was not widely shared by most women. This generated envy from women of the noble classes, who were more bound by convention, and restrained from adopting such a mode of dress. It also generated envy from women of the humble classes, who saw the kisaeng as working little for their wealth, and yet dressing every day in finery that the average women would only ever be able to afford on her wedding day. This envy directed at the relative freedom/wealth of the kisaeng by women who faced greater socioeconomic constraints was given cultural expression through the adoption of elements of the kisaeng's fashion in the fashions of both noblewomen and humble women in old korea. The luxurious Kache sported by the kisaeng had in fact been borrowed from the habitual attire of upper-class women. So to distinguish themeselves from the kisaeng, they began to abandon these elaborate hairstyles in favor of traditional ceremonial hoods (Nel-ul-a thin black women's hood) and coronets (Suegaechima). This supposed reaction to the abuse of the Kache by the kisaeng still remained influenced by the kisaeng still remained influence by the kisaeng, however, as these headdresses became adorned with many more jewels and decorations, in imitation of the kisaeng's adaptations of the coronet. At the same time, noblewomen began sporting the Jangwue ; a headdress previously worn only by kisaeng and lower class women, and lower class women were then permitted to wear the Kache at weddings. All women behan to wear shorter, tighter Jogori jackets, and to add volume to their skirts. They also attached frills to their under-garments in imitation of the kisaeng's exposed petticoats and pantaloons. The impact of kisaeng fashions was thus deep and widespread, and can be understood as an expression of women's longing for freedom from socioeconomic constraints in the late Chosun dynasty. This study adopts an interdisciplinary ap-proach to the understanding of historical changes in women's fashions. Such interdisciplinary work can greatly enrich the study of fashion, often narrowly focused on clothing morphology and broad generalizations about society. For this reason, specific dynamics of feminine psychology in the late Chosun dynasty were elaborated in this study, to provide a deeper under-standing of the changes in fashion underpinned by them. If more such detailed analyses are undertaken, a whole new understanding of changes in fashion can be generated, and perhaps a transformation of the field of fashion history can be ultimately achieved.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.7
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• pp.195-218
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• 2000

This study investigates the characteristics of European knitted works from a historical perspective. Specifically, this study deals with the following research topics: 1) the origin and development of knitting. 2) the characteristics of knitting industry according to the change of times, 3) the comparison of local knitting patterns and cultures. 4) 7he symbolic meaning of the designs in the knitted works and theire functions. This research is barred on the survey of the relevant literature and photographs. The results of the study are summarized as follows. 1) The introduction of knitted works was closely connected with the climatic and socio-economic conditions of the places of the origin. Knitted work developed mostly in Northern Europe, a cold area, and the barren, mountainous coastal areas where people frequently used woolen materials for clothes. 2) In ancient times, abstract and geometric patterns have developed in Europe under the influence of Arabian knitted work. Middle Ages saw the flourishing of Arabian knitted works representing the authority of the church. In early modern times, the knitted work assumed the wealth of the royal families and the nobles. But afterward it was gradually Popularized among the middle classes. Knitting was then regarded as one of the women's major cultural activities. However, recently in the interwar periods. the knitting industry did not flourish and the knitted works came to serve merely as comfort goods by political urge. Knitted works were introduced in Korea around 1870 (the 7th or 8th year of king Kojong era) by Catholic missionaries and they started to be made by machine in 1917. 3) As for the propagation of the knitted work into Europe, there are three routes estimated. The traditional knitting patterns of local areas and their characteristics are summed up as follows : (1) England Guernseys are thick dark blue wool, whereas Jerseys are thinner and of various colors. The knitted shawls of Shetland are world-famous for their fine, lace-like texture that they can be through a wedding-ring. The knitted work of Fair Isle shows several distinctive features, such as the use of no more than two colors, patterns with diagonal lines. symmetry within the patterns, the prominent OXO patterns, and horizontal bands of patterning. The representative knitted work of Aran is Aran sweater made for fishermen to developed from guernseys of Scotland. (2) Scandinavian countries are distinguished from other countries by their conservative but creative cultural tradition. Their knitting patterns are characterized by small geometric figures such as dots, triangles, squares, rhombuses, and crosses used often with stars and roses. Scandinavian knitting is also salient for its vertical stripes and simple motifs repeating at short intervals. (3) Baltic area : The Latvian and Lithuania stockings have very ornate patterns. Many of the Estonian knit stockings and mittens share designs. Komi was well-known for its symmetric diamond pattern. Komi patterns include colored stripes, borders of pattern and all-over designs of complex diagonals. (4) Balkan area : In Yugoslavia, the patterns of roses, leaves and flowers were used for stockings, gloves and leggings. Greek knitting resembled southern Russian knitting, which utilized light colored patterns with dark colors for a background. Turkish patterns are symmetric vertically or horizontally. 4) The traditional knitting patterns net only carried symbolic meanings but also served as means of communication. First of all, patterns had incantatory meanings. Patterns also represented Power or authenticity Patterns were symbolic of one's social standing, too. The colors, motifs and their arrangements were very important features symbolizing one's social position or family line. People often communicated by certain pieces of knitted work or patterns.