• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.20 no.10
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• pp.87-94
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• 2022

This paper seeks to raise inflection points of battery manufacturing bases in Korea in the V4 region through the reorganization of new industrial technologies in accordance with ESG. As a result, the global supply chain market is cut off. The Russian-Ukraine war and the U.S.-China hegemony are competing in the economic crisis caused by COVID-19. It is showing diversification of new suppliers in an environment where mineral, grain procurement, gas, and even wheat imports from China and Russia are not possible. As a protective glocal, this area is used as a buffer zone(Pro-Russia, Hungary). to an isolated zone(anti-Russia, Poland) by war. In this paper, economic growth is expected to slow further due to the EU tapering period and high inflation in world countries. Due to these changes, the conversion of new tech industry and the contraction of Germany's structure due to energy supply may lose the driving force for economic growth over the past 20 years. This is caused by market disconnection(chasm) in the nominal indicators in this area. On the other hand, Korea should actively develop into the V4 area as an energy generation export (nuclear and electric hydrogen generation) area as a bypass development supply area due to the imbalance in the supply chain of rare earth materials that combines AI. By linking this industry, the energy platform can be scaled up and reliable supply technology (next generation BT, recycling technology) in diversification can be formed in countries around the world. This paper proves that in order to overcome the market chasm caused by the industries connection, new energy development and platform size can be achieved and reliable supply technology (next-generation battery and recycling technology, Low-cost LFP) can be diversified in each country.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.272-287
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• 2019

The Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) was established in 1953 by the Korean War Armistice Agreement. It extends from the estuary of the Imjin River, in the west, to the coast of the East Sea. It is 4 km in width and 148 km in length. However, the ecosystems of the civilian control zone (CCZ) located between the southern border of the DMZ and the civilian control line (CCL) and the CCZ in the estuary of the Han River and the Yellow Sea are similar to those in the DMZ, and, therefore, the ecosystems of the DMZ and the CCZ are collectively known as the "ecosystems of the DMZ and its vicinities." The flora in the DMZ and its vicinities is composed of 1,864 species, which accounts for about 42% of all the vascular plant species on the Korean Peninsula and its affiliated islands. Conducting a detailed survey on the vegetation, flora, and fauna in the DMZ is almost impossible due to the presence of landmines and limitations on the time allowed to be spent in the DMZ. However, to assess the environmental impact of the Munsan-Gaesong railroad reconstruction project, it was possible to undertake a limited vegetation survey within the DMZ in 2001. The vegetation in Jangdan-myeon, in Paju City within the DMZ, was very simple. It was mostly secondary forests dominated by oaks such as Quercus mongolica, Q. acutissima, and Q. variabilis. The other half of the DMZ in Jangdan-myeon was occupied by grassland composed of tall grasses such as Miscanthus sinensis, M. sacchariflorus, and Phragmites japonica. Contrary to the expectation that the DMZ may be covered with pristine mature forests due to more than 60 years of no human interference, the vegetation in the DMZ was composed of simple secondary forests and grasslands formed on former rice paddies and agricultural fields. At present, the only legal protection system planned for the DMZ is the Natural Environment Conservation Act, which ensures that the DMZ would be managed as a nature reserve for only two years following Korean reunification. Therefore, firstly, the DMZ should be designated as a site of domestic legally protected areas such as nature reserve (natural monument), scenic site, national park, etc. In addition, we need to try to designate the DMZ as a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve or as a World Heritage site, or as a Ramsar international wetland for international cooperation. For nomination as a world heritage site, we can emphasize the ecological and landscape value of the wetlands converted from the former rice paddies and the secondary forests maintained by frequent fires initiated by military activities. If the two Koreas unexpectedly reunite without any measures in place for the protection of nature in the DMZ, the conditions prior to the Korean War, such as rice paddies and villages, will return. In order to maintain the current condition of the ecosystems in the DMZ, we have to discuss and prepare for measures including the retention of mines and barbed-wire fences, the construction of roads and railroads in the form of tunnels or bridges, and the maintenance of the current fire regime in the DMZ.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of Korean Orthopaedic Sports Medicine
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.45-49
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• 2007

Purpose: We analyzed the location and type of meniscus tear associated with ACL rupture in order to estimate and prepare whether the meniscus tear is in a repairable location. Materials and Methods: We reviewed 78 cases who had ACL reconstructive surgery due to ACL rupture. We set the period of acute injury on the basis of under 12 months after trauma. The location and type of meniscus tear was analyzed in accordance with MRI findings and arthroscopic findings. Results: The 50 cases of meniscus tear were detected out of the 78 ACL rupture;32 cases were lateral meniscus tears, 24 were medial meniscus tears and 6 cases were both menisci tears. From a total of 56 meniscus tears, 30 cases were longitudinal tears, 22 cases were red-red zone tears and 35 cases(62%) were posterior horn tears. Conclusion: The most common type of meniscus tear associated with ACL rupture war longitudinal tear at the red-red zone or meniscosynovial junction. Majority of the tears located at that place can be healed with conservative treatment, arthroscopic meniscus suture.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-188
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• 2016

This paper argues that the establishment of the Kaohsiung Export Processing Zone (KEPZ), the first EPZ in East Asia, is a compromise of cold-war geopolitical economy in the 1960s. The KEPZ is part of the liberalization policy advise of the US Aid agency which intended to push the KMT (Kuomintang) government to downsize the nationalized sectors and foster private enterprises and encourage foreign investments. However, the KMT state hesitated to embrace the advice wholeheartedly but was forced to implement selectively the policies. To meet the compromise between liberalization and control, the KMT government takes advantage of the KEPZ to grab the geoeconomic opportunities emerging from the new international division of labor in the 1960s without losing the geopolitical support from the US. The idea that zoning as a space of compromise would provide a subtle re-examination of the rise of the KEPZ which is conventionally explained by the functionalist arguments such as increase of employment opportunities, foreign investments and export by the far-sighted developmental state.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.61-83
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• 2002

Korea has designated 28 trade ports and 22 coastal ports under the Ports Act. If fishery ports and small inlets are counted, the number amounts to hundreds of ports. However, untimely and inefficient maintenance and repair works face Korean ports with functional loss, decreasing efficiency, and even catastrophe. Thus, further examinations on the maintenance or redevelopment of forts in Korea are urgent. Since the Korean War and the higher economic growth period in the 1970s, Busan Port has developed in a variety of ways, according to the necessity of social conditions at any given time, without any development Philosophy or systematic long-term master plan. As a result, ports and coastal industrial facilities have rushed to gather around the present North Busan Port, which has taken on mixed functions between ports and cities, adversely affecting several of their interactions. To resolve these circumstances, several redevelopment schemes were suggested for centering the old zone in the Busan Port interim. However, comprehensive evaluation and redevelopment schemes combining functions of both ports and cities, and effectively utilizing coastal zones have never been presented. In this respect, this study sets the priority order of the extracted unit project. This study analyzes the existing functions and facilities of Busan Port, extracting facility zones through redevelopment which is certain to fail or to decrease in efficiency. furthermore, this study presents status and development directions of specified redevelopment unit projects of higher priority order, and pursues the integrated plan of efficiency for Busan Port.

• Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.119-138
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• 2000

Korean vivax malaria had been prevalent for longtime throughout the country with low endemicity. As a result of the Korean war (1950-1953), malaria became epidemic. In 1959-1969 when the National Malaria Eradication Service (NMES) was implemented, malaria rates declined, with low endemicity in the south-west and south plain areas and high endemic foci in north Kyongsangbuk-do (province) and north and east Kyonggi-do. NMES activities greatly contributed in accelerating the control and later eradication of malaria. The Republic of Korea (South Korea) was designated malaria free in 1979. However, malaria re-emerged in 1993 and an outbreak occurred in north Kyonggi-do and north-west Kangwon-do (in and/or near the Demilitarized Zone, DMZ) , bordering North Korea. It has been postulated that most of the malaria cases resulted from bites of sporozoite-infected females of An. sinensis dispersed from North Korea across the DMZ. Judging from epidemiological and socio-ecological factors, vivax malaria would not be possible to be endemic in South Korea. Historical data show that vivax malaria in Korea is a typical unstable malaria. Epidemics may occur when environmental, socio-economical, and/or political factors change in favor to malaria transmission, and when such factors change to normal conditions malaria rates become low and may disappear. Passive case detection is a most feasible and recommendable control measure against the unstable vivax malaria in Korea in cost-effect point of view.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• Resources Recycling
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.16-22
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• 1998

Recently, the new technology for the recycling of waste plastics as an alternative he1 of blast furnace ha been developed. In this shldy, the test of plastics injection into a tuyere af the foundry blast furnace were carried out. The injection rate of plastics far this tcst facility war expressed as follows, ${W}_{s}=0.265\frac{{delta}PA}{U}_{g}$, where. Ws, AP, A and Ug are plastic conveying ratc (kgisec), pressure drop between feed hopper and blaqt pressure (alm), cross sectional area of conveying pipe (mi) and superficial velocity of transport air (mhzc) respcctiuely. From the results of semi-continuous test operation during 96 hours, the replacement raho mned out to be 1.38 according to the injection rate of 6. 4 kg-plasticsit-p. With increasing the rate of plaslics injcchon, the content of hydrogen in top gas became increased and the brick temperahlre at bzlly was also increased due to Lhe changes ot the combustion zone shape.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.273-285
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• 2006

As the political arguments on international power concept has gradually been deepened, the role of international regimes, defined as principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which nation-actors' expectations converge in a given issue-area, has also been reinforced. There are many ways of understanding about international regimes. In terms of realistic theories, international regimes are one of methods of maintaining hegemonic power order of hegemonic nation and in terms of liberalistic theories, international regimes are understood as the products of mutual inter-dependence of nations in changing international society. As a matter of fact, if we take structural causes and regime consequences into severe consideration, we can find not a few characteristics of international regimes, such as security regime, world trade and fiance regime, ocean regime, environmental regime, human right regime, etc. This paper will examine the changing concept of power after World War II in three categories of hard power (military power), meta power (regime creating power), and soft power (advanced in cultural, diplomatical, and technological power). This paper will provide the evidence of why the changing power concepts will be strongly related with the emergence of international regimes. The UN convention on the law of the sea will chosen as a standard case of the ocean regime and it's regime structure and role will also be analysed in both realistic :md liberalistic theories. Futhermore, the nations' interests involved in the UN convention on the law of the sea will be analytically classified and finally a future prospectus of the UN convention on the law of the sea as an ocean regime will be tested.