• 제목/요약/키워드: war cooperation

검색결과 133건 처리시간 0.027초

통일 독일의 상호대차제도에 관한 연구 (A study on the library interlending system in Germany)

  • 노문자
    • 한국문헌정보학회지
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    • 제23권
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    • pp.303-350
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    • 1992
  • In the modem information society any library can not meet the need of its user without cooperation with other libraries. After the Second World War the old West Germany in the general kept the traditional library system, but (the library system of) the old Estern Germany was influenced by the Soviet Union. The East and West Germany have developed their library interlending system on their own way, but their system was based on the regional principle. After the Unification the library interlending system of two parts of Germany is on the way to an uniform system. Above all East Germany libraries must now collect the materials which they could not buy during about 40 years due to the ideological aspect and lacking financial resources. The Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft tries here to help the East German libraries. Before reaching the final settlment of two different library interrlending rules the East and West German libraries temporary serve their user on the previous way, it means in the regional princeple. During this periode the East and West German libraries agree to cooperate on the base of partnership between their regional central catalog. If the East German user's wish can not be satisfied in the East German library, then this wish is sent to its Western partner regional central catalog.

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제4차 산업혁명과 민간대학 군사학과 교육체계 보완방향 (A Complimentary Direction of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the Department of Military Science in Universities)

  • 김연준
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권15호
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    • pp.31-55
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    • 2018
  • It has been fifteen years since military science was introduced into private and public universities since 2004. The department focuses on the improvements of the South Korean Army quality based on the Korean Army's traits including: an increase of power in the armed force and operations through research, development, and the expansion of a cooperation between the public (civilians) and military. Approximately, four hundred students from various universities in the military science department graduate in order to become an officer. The fourth industrial revolution causes structural transformation to our lives. Through the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI,) war and the military as a whole will be altered significantly particularly with regard to efficiency. Nevertheless, it is important for us to train officers in creative ways so that they can deal with situations where machines will be unable to handle situations. Considering this change in our lives, it is necessary for the military science departments to change the way to teach and train their students. In order to accomplish this goal, we need to introduce a method called "Flipped Learning" and during the process all the members need to participate and communicate in an interactive way. By doing this, the military science departments will play an important role by improving human resource in terms of military and national security.

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History of Japanese medical education

  • Onishi, Hirotaka
    • Korean journal of medical education
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    • 제30권4호
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    • pp.283-294
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    • 2018
  • Since medical education programs in Korea and Japan seem to mutually influence each other, this review article provides a history of Japanese medical education, focusing on the way in which it influenced and was influenced by Korean medical education. In the late 19th century, the University of Tokyo established the core medical school, disseminating its scholarship and system to other medical schools. In the early 20th century, the balance between the quality and quantity of medical education became a new issue; in response, Japan developed different levels of medical school, ranging from imperial universities to medical colleges and medical vocational schools. After World War II, all of Japan's medical schools became part of the university system, which was heavily regulated by the Ministry of Education (MOE) Standard for the Establishment of Universities. In 1991, MOE deregulated the Standard; since 2000, several new systems have been established to regulate medical schools. These new approaches have included the Model Core Curriculum, 2-year mandatory postgraduate training, and a medical education accreditation system. Currently, most medical schools are nervous, as a result of tighter regulatory systems that include an accreditation system for undergraduate education and a specialty training system for postgraduate education.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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21세기 동북아 해양전략 - 미·중·일·러를 중심으로 - (The 21st Century Maritime Strategies in the Northeast Asia - US, China, Japan and Russia -)

  • 박남태;정재호;오순근;임경한
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권38호
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    • pp.250-286
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    • 2015
  • The main purpose of this article is to provide an understanding on current maritime issues in the Northeast Asia, and thereby help formulating the right strategy for our national security. The article summarizes core arguments in the recently published 『The 21st Century Maritime Strategies in the Northeast Asia: Dilemma between Competition and Cooperation』. It will help readers to comprehend historical backgrounds as well as recent updates related to maritime issues and strategies in the region. Also, readers may find guidance to conceive their own maritime strategies for the Republic of Korea. Currently, the U.S. is shifting its focus from Atlantic to Pacific, and increasing its naval presence in Asia-Pacific region. Meanwhile, the 21st century China views the maritime interests as the top priority in its national security and prosperity. PLA Navy's offensive maritime strategies and naval building such as aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines are unprecedented. Japan is another naval power in the region. During the Cold War JMSDF faithfully fulfilled the mission of deterring Soviet navy, and now it is doing its job against China. Lastly, Putin has been emphasizing to build the strong Russia since 2000, and putting further efforts to reinforce current naval capabilities of Pacific Fleet. The keyword in the naval and maritime relations among these powers can be summarized with "competition and cooperation." The recent security developments in the South China Sea(SCS) clearly represent each state's strategic motivations and movements. China shows clear and strong intention to nationalize the islands in SCS by building artificial facilities - possibly military purpose. Obviously, the U.S. strongly opposes China by insisting the freedom of navigation(FON) in international waters as recent USS-Lassen's FON operation indicate. The conflict between China and the U.S. surrounding the SCS seems to be heading towards climax as Russia and Japan are searching for their own national interests within the conflict. Also, the neighboring small and middle powers are calculating their own economic and security interests. This is no exception for us in establishing timely strategies to maximize our own national security. Hopefully, this article leads the readers to the right direction.

동북아시아의 세력균형과 군사력 수준 변화 연구: 세력균형이론에 기초한 2030년경의 동북아시아 안보환경 전망 (A Study on the Balance of Power and Changes in Military Strength in Northeast Asia: Prospect of the Northeast Asian Security Environment in 2030 Based on the Balance of Power Theory)

  • 김명수
    • 해양안보
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    • 제3권1호
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    • pp.73-114
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    • 2021
  • 본 연구는 현실주의의 대표적 이론인 세력균형이론을 기초로 군사력을 국가의 핵심 힘으로 전제하여 동북아시아의 힘의 분포를 살펴본다. 이전 세력균형과 군사력 수준에 관한 연구결과를 고찰하고, 그 연구한 결과를 활용하여 2020년까지 미국, 중국, 러시아, 일본, 한국과 북한의 힘의 변화를 분석하여 2030년경 안보환경을 전망하여 본다. 세력균형이론에서 국가(nation)나 국가군(a group of power) 간에 힘의 균형이 무너지면 전쟁 가능성이 높고, 그 불확실성과 불신이 높은 국제사회에서 생존과 안전을 확보하기 위하여 국가는 힘의 증강(자조, self-help)과 더불어 협력(cooperation)과 동맹(alliance)을 더욱 강화하는 행동을 한다고 본다. 동북아시아의 국가들도 자국의 군사력을 지속 증강하고 있으며, 특히 중국의 급속한 부상으로 국제 안보환경의 급격한 변화에 주변 국가들은 촉각을 세우고 경계심을 늦추지 않고 있다. 중국은 2030년대 중국 창군 100주년과 더불어 '국방 및 군현대화'를 실현하고, 2050년대 건국 100주년에 '세계일류군대건설'을 목표로 하고 있다. 그리고 미국은 국제사회의 협력과 동맹 강화 등 중국 견제에 분주하다. 미국과 중국이 패권경쟁이 진행되고 있는 상황에서 동북아시아의 안보환경과 힘의 역학관계도 서서히 변하고 있다. 세력균형이론에 기초하여 2030년 이후 동북아시아의 힘의 분포 변화와 함의를 살펴보고자 한다.

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중앙아시아 지역안보체제의 국제정치학적 의미 (Security system in Central Asia: Significance for International Relations)

  • 김용환
    • 국제지역연구
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    • 제13권4호
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    • pp.129-154
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    • 2010
  • 본 논문의 목적은 소련해체 이후 중앙아시아 지역안보환경의 변화 양상과 중앙아시아 지역국가들이 참여하고 있는 다자간 협력기구들의 현황 및 특성을 고찰함으로써 중앙아시아 지역안보체제의 국제정치학적 의미를 규명하고, 중앙아시아 지역안보체제의 구축 전망을 제시하는데 있다. 중앙아시아는 일찍이 '유라시아의 발칸'으로 인식되었듯이 구(舊)체제에서 축적되고 독립 후 새로운 체제로 이행하는 과정에서 발생한 각국 내부의 다양한 갈등 요소들과 상호간 분쟁 요소들, 그리고 강대국들의 전략적 이해관계가 중첩되고 있는 안보불안정 지역이다. 현실의 중앙아시아 지역안보는 미국을 위시한 서방의 이익을 대변하는 나토, OSCE 체제와 러시아를 중심으로 하는 포스트소비에트국가 간의 다자 및 양자협력 체제, 중국, 인도, 터키 등 역외 주요행위자들이 참여하는 다자협력기구들의 활동과 궤를 같이 하고 있다. 그러나 중앙아시아 다자안보협력의 움직임들은 아직까지 어느 것도 범지역적 대표성을 획득하는 단계로까지 발전하지 못하고 있다. 중앙아시아 각국 내부의 문제와 이들 국가 간의 갈등요소를 근본적으로 해결하지 않고서는 이 지역의 안보는 담보될 수 없으며, 편협하고 맹목적인 현실주의는 불안정 지역의 확산을 가져오고 유라시아대륙의 상당부분을 분쟁의 영구적인 근원으로 만들 것이다. 이러한 관점에서 중앙아시아 지역에서 미국, 러시아, 중국, EU 등 주요 행위자들의 전략적 판단과 선택은 재고되어야 할 것이다.

남북 무형유산 교류 협력의 다자간 협력 틀 모색 - 유네스코 인류무형문화유산 남북 공동 등재 사례 - (A Study on Seeking a Multilateral Cooperation Framework for the Inter-Korean Exchange of Intangible Cultural Heritage - Through a Multinational Nomination of a Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity -)

  • 김덕순
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제52권3호
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    • pp.252-269
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    • 2019
  • 2012년 북한의 김정은 정권 출범 이후 북한의 문화유산 보호와 관리는 정상 국가의 법과 관리체계 형식으로 변화하고 있다. 또한 북한의 민족유산보호지도국은 무형문화유산을 지속적으로 기록하고 목록화하며, 이들 중 아리랑, 김치 담그기, 씨름을 유네스코 인류무형문화유산 대표 목록에 등재시키기도 하였다. 특히 2018년 12월 씨름의 남북 공동 등재는 평화와 화해를 위한 남북 교류 협력의 상징성을 가지고 있어, 향후 추가적인 남북 인류무형문화유산 대표 목록 공동 등재에 대한 기대감을 높이고 있다. 현재 한국은 20개 종목을 인류무형문화유산 대표 목록에 등재하고 있으며, 그 중 매사냥, 줄다리기, 씨름 등 3개 종목은 공동 등재로 여러 국가들이 함께 공유하고 있다. 그러나 이들 3개 종목의 공동 등재 신청 과정과 이후 활동들을 비교해볼 때, 과연 공동 등재의 본질과 역할이 무엇인지 고민하게 된다. 특히 씨름의 경우 공동 등재 신청서 작성을 위한 남북 간 실무 협의도 없이 각각 단독 등재를 신청하였고, 유네스코 사무총장의 주도 아래 정치적으로 협의가 이루어져 정부간위원회에서 예외적으로 공동 등재로 승인되었으며, 공동 등재 후 현재까지 상호 어떠한 교류도 이루어지지 않고 있다. 이는 국가 간 교류와 협력을 전제로 문화다양성 증진을 목적으로 하는 공동 등재의 정신에 비추어볼 때, 상징적이고 형식적이며 실질적으로는 각각의 단독 등재와 유사하다. 따라서 남북 공동 등재의 실효성을 강화하고 공동 등재 정신을 담보할 수 있는 방안은 남북을 포함한 다국가들이 함께 다자간 공동 등재를 추진하는 것이다. 특히 각궁 또는 옻칠 등 남북한을 포함한 다른 국가들이 공동으로 보유하고 있는 무형문화유산을 발굴하거나 기존에 남북한 또는 다른 국가들이 등재한 종목에 대해 추가적으로 공동 등재하는 방안을 모색해볼 수 있다. 그리고 거시적 관점에서 남북 관계의 특수성 및 정치적 상황에 따른 남북 문화 교류 협력 변동성을 줄이기 위해 국제기구인 유네스코 등을 활용한 다자간 협력 속에서 남북 문화유산 교류 협력을 바라보는 시각이 필요하다.

Вступление Китая в новую фазу развития на фоне "торговой войны" с США: взгляд из России (A New Phase of China's Development Against the Background of "Trade War" with the US: View from Russia)

  • Lukonin, Sergey;Ignatev, Sergei
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제2권2호
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    • pp.111-141
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    • 2018
  • By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.

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외상후 스트레스 장애에 대한 심리치료 효과 개관 : 재난 생존자를 중심으로 (Review of Psychological Treatment for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder : Focus on Survivors of Disaster)

  • 장은영;이현지;김대호
    • 대한불안의학회지
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    • 제12권2호
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    • pp.69-78
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    • 2016
  • Objective : Disaster causes psychological distress to a large number of people in a short period of time, by both direct and indirect exposure to traumatic events embedded in various realms of disaster experience. Optimal, well-planned treatment interventions should follow from the early acute period to recovery phase, extending up to several months later. In this context, there is an increasing need for systemic review to gain comprehensive insights for disaster interventions. These need to be added to public policy, and for the prevention and treatment of disaster-related psychopathology. Here, we review the published studies on psychological interventions for disaster-related posttraumatic stress disorder. Methods : Specific psychological interventions regarded as effective treatments for have been selected for this review, such as CBT (Cognitive-Behavior Therapy), Exposure Therapy, EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization & Reprocessing), SIT (Stress Inoculation Therapy) and Psychoeducation. In addition, natural disasters, industrial disasters, and accidents involving aircraft and ships were also categorized as disasters, along with war and combat trauma. Results : Cognitive behavior therapy and exposure therapy had the strongest research support for effectiveness, and could be considered as the first-choice treatment for disaster-related PTSD. The second line of treatment is EMDR, although this treatment modality has the advantage of reaching certain treatment improvements in fewer sessions. However, the effects of SIT and psychoeducation to the survivors of disasters, remains unclear at this point. Additionally, we propose the possibilities of using virtual reality component and imagery rescripting as modified forms of traditional cognitive behavior therapy and exposure therapy. Conclusion : Cognitive behavior therapy and exposure therapy, deemed effective treatments for various trauma, are considered to be effective for survivors from disasters. However, the efficacy of other interventions has not yet been examined methodologically in well-designed studies, such as randomized controlled trials. In particular, future empirical studies are needed, since it is difficult to conclude that psychological interventions have similar effects on different types of disasters.

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