It has been seventy-two years since the Korean Peninsular was divided into South and North Korea. When Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule in August 1945, the South and North established a capitalist system and a socialist system (communism) respectively, intensifying the ideological conflict and confrontation. The division of Korea was not confined to political and economical aspects, but extended to legal system, making it difficult to find legislative homogeneity in the two. The long-term situation of the divided nation results in a social phenomenon accompanied by legal division. For instance, shortly after its liberation from Japan's colonial rule, North Korea responded quickly to secure legal stability to govern the northern part while the Soviet army troops were stationed in it. Based on Marx and Engels' historical materialism, the North drove a change in its ideological superstructure by repealing the privatization of land property which was the means of production and finally enforced land nationalization, in common with other socialist states including the former Soviet Union. The North's land reform made under the guise of fulfilling national independence and doing away with anti-seigneurial and anti-feudalistic relations, has led to a wide difference in the systems between the South and Korea. This paper focuses on the legal systems of South and North Korea and is aimed at exploring the legal characteristics and environment of the North which became secluded from the world while engaging in socialist experiments for the past seventy two years against capitalism. Ongoing studies of legal system integration will be briefly discussed. The legal status of South and North Korea as a political entity will be investigated to overcome legal system division; and the characteristics of South-North relationship in legal terms and the limitations of the North's legal system will be also examined. Moreover, the directions for integrating legal systems and the plan for resolving legal system division will be suggested.
Up until the early twentieth century in Germany, there were two research trends: 1) emphasizing objectives and making detailed observations of archaeological artifacts and sites, 2) tracing the remains of specific nations or ethnic groups and defining their temporal-spatial boundaries by conducting research on material culture in terms of nationalism or ethnocentrism. After the Second World War ended and Germany was divided, West German archaeology focused on observations of artifacts and sites, cataloging them, and doing research on chronology and distribution following their own traditional methodologies. East German archaeology attempted to prove the developing process of history and its Marxist principles based upon material culture and to examine the historic value of inherent specific cultural heritage based on criteria regarding how it corresponded to socialism and contributed to the development of socialism. Nevertheless, East and West German archaeology shared traditional archaeological methods inherited from German archaeology since the nineteenth century, and contact between archaeologists in West and East Germany continued to a degree. Furthermore, East German archaeology produced significant archaeological achievements acknowledged by West German and European archaeologists. These facts provided the momentum to complete rapid incorporation of the archaeologies of West and East Germany in spite of a one-sided process imposed by West German archaeology. In the case of Korea, it seems necessary to make an effort to share common research history and traditions and to encourage mutual academic exchange (e.g. joint excavation and archaeological research). Furthermore, it is also imperative to have open-minded attitudes toward accepting substantial results and interpretations achieved by North Korean archaeologists under scrutiny when and where necessary, despite seeming to have been fossilized by Marxism and Juche ideology. Any efforts to narrow the gap in archaeological research and conservation of cultural heritage between the archaeologies of South and North Korea should be made immediately. The case of Germany demonstrates how such a project could proceed efficaciously.
Simwudo (尋牛圖), known as Ox Seeking Pictures, originated in the 11th-12th century and have consistently played a guiding role in the teachings of various religions in East Asia. Some Korean religions that emerged during modern times conveyed their teachings through depictions of ox seeking or herding. Among them, Daesoon Jinrihoe stands out as a representative religion. The belief system of this particular religion elucidates its distinct doctrine and worldview by reimagining Simwudo, into a new set of six panels (seven or nine panels in some variations). The Simwudo of Daesoon Jinrihoe differs from that of Buddhism, particularly in its treatment of meditation (禪), both in terms of context and significance. While they share similarities in the aspect of ox-seeking, the Buddhist Simwudo symbolizes human nature, whereas the Simwudo of Daesoon Jinrihoe represents the great Dao of Heaven and Earth propagated by Kang Jeungsan and brought into completion by Jo Jeongsan. In the Buddhist context, the subject of the search is the Ox, signifying the restoration of a deluded human's pure nature in order to achieve personal salvation and in some version of Simwudo, reenter society to perform salvific actions for others. On the other hand, in the Simwudo of Daesoon Jinrihoe depicts the process of a human attaining immortality and following the teachings of Jeungsan and Jeongsan. This culminates in the final image which is the redemption of the world. The final phase of the Buddhist Simwudo, depending on the version, is either enlightenment (personal salvation) or reentering society to perform salvific actions (as a bodhisattva), whereas the Simwudo of Daesoon Jinrihoe show the simultaneous achievement of the perfection of humanity and the redemption of the world. This distinction highlights the fundamental differences between the Simwudo of these two distinctly different religious traditions. These differences arise from the contrasting purposes pursued by Buddhism and Daesoon Jinrihoe.
The purpose of this study was to improve the problems of the voltaic cell described in the science textbooks of secondary schools. For this purpose, the contents of science textbooks which are related to the voltaic cell were analyzed and the problems which were not explained clearly by theorems were tried to be explained by experiments, and lastly sug-gestions were made toward the improvements regarding the voltaic cell in the science textbooks. The findings are that there are problems on the ways of ensuring whether the voltaic cell operates properly as a chemical battery, on the explanation of why the hydrogen bubbles form at the zinc electrode, on the cell potential, on the unification of the electrode terminology used, and on the mention of the current. Solutions to the problems except the cell potential were suggested. According to the experiment, the theoretical potential was calculated by considering the potentials of redox reactions at the two electrodes of the cell and by taking into account the characteristics of the electrodes such as the work function, ionization energy, stan-dard reduction potential, and electronegativity.The cell potential of the voltaic cell is explained by several factors. In the improved version of the textbook's introduction section to the voltaic cell, it is necessary to describe the voltaic cell his-torically.For the conceptual section, it should be explained in terms of the Daniel cell.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
/
v.14
no.3
/
pp.407-418
/
2011
The southern region including Guangzhou(黃州), the capital of Guangdong Province, was called "South of the Mountain Range" (嶺南) because it is located south of the Five Mountain Ranges (五嶺) which made mobility difficult prior to unification of China by Qin dynasty (秦) in 221 BCE. The Guangdong region of the South of the Mountain Range (嶺南) was an administratively independent unit and, as such, called the Nanyue kingdom (南越國). This is the origin of the Chinese character "yue", and terms such as yueyu (Cantonese), yuecai (Cantonese cuisine), yueju (Cantonese opera) are still in use today. Guangzhou, called Panyu (番禹) during the Nanyue kingdom period, was settled early in the northern part of the Pearl River (珠江, Zhu Jiang) delta. It became the first port to open its doors to the great powers of the West during the Qing period. Although it has now fallen behind Shanghai which developed later, Guangzhou is still the third largest city after Beijing and Shanghai, and thus, it is an influential open coastal city. Today, not only is Guangzhou the world center of the light textile industry, it also spurs development in various manufacturing industries. Along with nearby Hong Kong, Macao, and Shenzhen, it plays the role of cradle of the Pearl River delta economic zone. Firmly established early on as the greatest central city in southern China, Guangzhou is simultaneously a hub in various aspects such as regional politics, economics, and culture; it was also the center of revolution and resistance which attempted to challenge the northern political powers. Guangzhou is known for the history of the rise and fall of its port, but with developmental efforts, it still maintains its influence. Guangzhou's dynamic development of today brings with it issues such as the environment and moral system which must be dealt with.
The stone stupas of the Mireuk Temple Site and Jeongnim Temple Site were the beginning of Korean stone stupa and the unique ones stemming from the Baeje period. Therefore, the work of investigating the characteristics of these two stone stupas would give us a basis for understanding Korean stone stupas in a large scale and Baekje-style stone stupas in a narrow sense. As shown in some records, the excellent architectural skills of Baekje could be known by the fact that Abiji was invited to the building of Hwangryong Wooden stupa, one of the national undertakings of Shilla and the skills and styles related to stone stupas were thought to be disseminated in this process. However, it has not been very convincing that the stone stupas with Baekje styles were disconnected in an instant with the unification of Shilla, in terms that culture and art would inherited and developed. The current academic circle set a frame and defined all these types of stone stupas as Baekje-system stone stupas built in Goryeo period and put them in a uniformly chronological order. The popularization of Buddhism, support of regionally powerful clans and cultural revival were suggested as the factors of their appearance, but it seemed difficult to be assured that these led Baeje-style stone stupas to reappear in a moment by breaking the gap of about 300 years. Of course, it has not been active in Gyeongju area, but they have greatly influenced the stone stupas of Shilla; therefore, it would be possible to consider that they were developed but limited to certain areas. This study focused on the starting point of such development and investigated the formation of Baeje-style stone stupas through the stone stupas of the Mireuk Temple Site and Jeongnim Temple Site and their subsequent development through Wanggung-ri Stone Stupa.
Storage facility of the pre-historic Korea is classified into the subterranean, ground and overground types. The rectangular-shaped subterranean Storage facilities have been identified in the Pungnaptoseong, the Gong mountain fortress site and the Gwanbukri site. Feature no. 196 at Gyeongdang District in Pungnaptoseong yielded a large quantity of glazed potteries, and a wooden storage at the Gwanbukri site contained a large amount of fruit seeds. These storage facilities might be functioned as the warehouse for the highest group rather than the storage for the emergency such as war and flooding and stipend of government officials. This article subdivided into "state storage" on the concept of the former that "royal storage" on the concept of the latter. If it look on the state storage at large, this include the royal storage too. But it subdivided to help article understand because Baekjae changed from state storage to royal storage by change and specialization of system after 4th. The reason why the diversification of storage pits was closely related to the unification of local polities and the concentration of political power in the state-level. Therefore, it might reflect the political circumstances the ruling elites attempted to heighten their authority in terms of the organizing tax collecting system. And divided the time of storage is confirmed separative storage pits in the suburbs of capital city. There is hight probability of top local polities or nation that have possessional a role. This is to cover on frequent war in the Three States. On the other hand, state storage is located around ancent road that linked castle gate that is divided into center and periphery depending on function and position of storage. Center is located royal storage focusing in the presumed royal palace that periphery is located state storage to provide service to the public. It is presumed that located with the government office.
This study aims to examine the change of state-market-family as three welfare provisions. This exploratory study investigates the change of welfare provisions and life of the elderly for 25 North Korean refugees focusing the actual condition of income security for the elderly using the snowball sampling. The main results are followings. First, in the age of Kim Il Sung showed the state-led, market absence, family supplementation and in the age of Kim Jong Il and Kim Jong Un showed the state diminishment, market appearance, family supplementation in terms of welfare provisions. Second, there is disparity between institution and reality because the law don't prescribe the responsibility of market provisions for the people but the elderly should have made a living in the market since the early 1990s. The situation of 'the weaken state and strengthened market' in the age of Kim Jong Il have still continued in the age of Kim Jong Un. The formal income security for the elderly need to return to the former condition.
In case of Aju capital, it adopted a strategy to use a single brand not two separate brands after M&A was completed. In order to implement this strategy, it has endeavored to effectively process the work of shifting existing marketing infrastructure of DAEWOO capital, the mergee, spending enough transition time for the brand migration. In the process of merging, Aju capital picked the strategy to use the brand of mergee first, which is the Daewoo Capital brand, and then took a transition time for a while to converge to the single brand of Aju capital. Putting another way, even if the M&A deal was completed back in 2005, it maximized the effect of launching its final brand "Aju capital" by capitalizing on the positive image of "Daewoo" during the transition time and changing its name just in the right moment. In a bid to implement this strategy successfully, it established a cautious but sophisticated brand migration strategy. 1) "Brand bridge" strategy through reinforcing brand power of "Naegeron", which is an individual product brand of Daewoo Capital 2) Establishing a good brand image through reinforcing customer satisfaction 3) It implemented and completed its brand transition initiative by going through the step of Aju Capital brand unification (from Sept 09 to present) Currently, the sales unit of Aju Capital is realizing quality growth through specialization. It's strategy is to construct a systematic sales portfolio in terms of both quality and quantity through product-by-product specialization where the existing practice was selling a variety of products in a single branch. Back in 2009, it opened a branch that specialize in imported cars and expanded its used car business to 6 specialized locations. Besides, the specialized locations for personal loan named "Naegeron" was expanded from 3 to 11 locations. Recently, it is expected that it will inject vigor to retail and corporate financing business alongside with its core business, which is auto financing.
Recently in information business, managing and auditing are getting more difficult because of enlargement, intellectualization and convergence. In addition, ordering organizations have been having a difficult time choosing a service because not only there is a huge overlap between information audit system and PMO but also the work boundaries of those two are not clear enough. As the demand that a business managing and auditing frame work need to be more developed in terms of independence, quality, economic feasibility and responsibility has been increased, the Korea Association Of Information Systems Audit has been attempting to improve business management and audit system by proposing Unified Project Management Framework whose process is approximately constructed. This study introduces Unified Project Management Framework which is all-encompassing from the ordering at the very beginning of business to the operating in the post-processing step and then verifies its work scope through a comparative analysis with existing management systems. Also, this thesis examines the necessity of unification of audit system and PMO by analysing existing similar systems. At the end, this study, analyses the suitability of Unified Project Management Framework by evaluating it with IT goal frame of COBIT5 which is constructed based on BSC performance management index. The result of the analysis is expected to help people in charge understanding the features of Unified Project Management Framework before they apply it to practical business.
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