• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.62 no.6
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• pp.1-18
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• 2012

This study explores the clothing behavior of homosexual men for identity creation. Since homosexuality has been viewed in terms of immoral, medical or social problems, gay males have made efforts to construct presentational styles in order to hide or reveal their sexual identities. Kate Schofield and Ruth A. Schmidt found that there were three different layers of individual gay identity construction expressed in clothing: shared gay identity, tribal identity, and situational identity. Using their framework, 630 gay men's outfits found in the U.S drama 'Queer as folk' were analyzed, which dealt with the lives of a group of gay men living in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Findings point that gay males use their clothing effectively to express their sexual identity. Firstly, they use certain fashion items as the signifier of homosexuality on a gay community level. They use their clothing to attract the sexual partners. On tribal identity level, diverse and fragmented styles could be shown besides the effeminate style. Homosexual men's clothing can be classified into the following four dominate styles: the drag look, the macho look, the androgynous look and conventional look. Findings also indicate that gay males make different clothing choices for different situations in order to blend into the heterosexual or homosexual society.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.351-379
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• 2015

In the Andes regions of Latin America continents, groups of diverse native tribes are intensively distributed.Among these tribes, the Aymara compose the most representative group of natives along with the Quechua. Especially, the Aymara who are concentrated on the border areas of Peru and Bolivia centered on Lake Titicaca have pursued common identity forming the same cultural area although they belong to different nations. In the meantime, the Aymara have maintained a sense of fellowship while emphasizing historicity and specialty, which are differentiated with groups of other natives based on a language constituting identity of the tribe. However, recently, focused on Puno State as the center of the border areas of both countries, the tribe's conflicts come to the surface. After being divided by the artificial boundary line, which was formed in the course of building modern countries after the independence, natives of Latin America started to emphasize differences simultaneously with cultural similarity in the frame of cooperation and competition. Together with the historical contexts, lately, focused on the border areas of Peru and Bolivia, as the same tribe came to be bound by the frameworks of different nations respectively, a new tribal conflict is being developed. Though the Aymara unite emphasizing cultural and historical specialty and recognizing them as one tribe, when they conflict with each other over inner interest, a tendency to form the identity of differentiation and distinction appeared even in the inside of the tribe. Usually, disorder between tribes seems to be originated from intertribal strife, which coexists in one region. In case of the Aymara of Peru and Bolivia, centered on Puno State where both countries maintain the border, an aspect that the fellowship of the tribe, which was established through old history changes into conflict structures by realistic conditions comes out. In understanding this point, this study analyzed the historical origin of the conflict of the Aymara and the deepened cause of the tribal disorder.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.97-125
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• 2014

This paper delves into the question of universality in Native American Literature focusing on Leslie Marmon Silko's Ceremony, exploring some different definitions of universality and looking at the work in the light of these definitions. In this paper I proposed four possible definitions or faces of universality applicable to the narrative of the oppressed people. Firstly, the colonizers indoctrinate their colonized persons with the colonialists' beliefs through the process of assimilation purposefully imposed in the name of universality. In Ceremony Rocky and Emo are the victims of assimilation including militarization. Secondly, the colonized people hold on to their traditional values in face of colonizers' universalism. In Ceremony Tayo shows an attachment to tribal stories in opposition to whites' lies. Thirdly, the colonized can get together by sharing experiences of violence, occupation, and loss of their land and language, forming a bond of "commonality" among them. In Ceremony the story of a medicine man, Betonie, suggests oneness of victims against the evil power of destroyers represented by nuclear bombs. Fourthly and lastly, the universal consists in the subject's trial and practice attempting to achieve universalism against the existing order, not in the stipulation defining what is universal. In the story Tayo endeavors to retrieve his cattle by transgressing whites' property and makes a hole in the established dichotomy of whites and Indians. In sum, Ceremony as a minor literature shows the developmental aspects of universality, culminating in Tayo's refusal to assimilate himself to whites' lies.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.2
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• pp.51-67
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to develop the high value-added cultural product design with local cultural resources, and to contribute to promoting cultural tourism festivals. To accomplish this study, first, a preliminary survey is carried out the investigation of cultural product stores and visitors' questionnaire survey. Next, based on these survey and prior study, this study established the development direction and concept of fashion cultural products and to developed fashion cultural products using local cultural resources. Adobe Photoshop 6.0, and Adobe Illustrator CS Program were used for the standardization of patterns, textile design and illustration. The results of this study were as follows; First, based on preliminary research results, the problems of the design of cultural tourism festival products were derived. As one solution to solve this problem, this study established the development direction and concept of fashion cultural products to develop fashion cultural products. The concept of the Andong Maskdance Festival was 'Tribal-Holic'; the Boryeong Mud Festival, 'Get away form it all'; the Gangjin Celadon Festival, 'Timeless Memories'; the Jinju Namgang Yudeung Festival, 'Lighting up the River'; the Chungju World Martial Arts Festival, 'Next Ergonomics Gym'; and the Muju Firefly Festival, 'Eco-Purity'. Second, based on the desired items of festival organizers and the survey of visitor's preference for cultural products, 4 items were selected by festival type. Then a total of 96 designs of 4 kinds each were developed using logos or characters, traditional patterns, special products, symbolizing region, or festival as a motif. Third, the strategy for development of cultural products design for promotion of cultural tourism festivals were 'Place identity design strategy', 'Market oriented design strategy', 'Buyer-Based pricing strategy', 'Regional brand strategy', and 'Distribution networks expansion strategy'.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.14-25
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• 2018

This study is to understand subculture as a selective amity or an emotional tribe that includes a life style, hobby and leisure of people and seeing it as the tribal solidarity or emotional alliance. Hence, based on the neo-tribalism by Michel Maffesoli who explains a tribe not composing a social vertical structure represented by class, but is composed a horizontal structure of individuals as a member of a society, this study conducted an empirical analysis on domestic minor fashion communities. Research findings show that they have a unique structure unexplained by Maffesoli. Fashion styles, values shared by domestic minor fashion communities are almost entirely based on individual likes and dislikes, escaping from a symbol of resistance to subordination explained by the existing subculture, play a role in enhancing the solidarity inside the community and confirming its identity outside. However, as for shared values within a community, it reveals a new invisible type of subculture intra-inter domestic minor fashion communities. A community showed a closed mind rather than open mind, disregarding or comparing with other communities and preventing their members from participation. A community had strict fashion rules and obvious classes, leading to participatory restriction. In conclusion, domestic minor fashion communities showed the most significant characteristic of a selective vertical structure by individual and community rather than a vertical structure by a society.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.5-46
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• 2009

The origin of Korean mime is traceable to sacred actions of prehistoric age. There are materials about mime of this age in the archeological materials of this age, oral literature/myth, and written literature about this age. There were traces of the most original form of mime in primitive ritual of tribal nation age. The mimes of Samkooksidae/Tree Nation Age of Korea were presented to forms of Kamoobekhee(歌舞百戱)/Sanakbekhee(散樂百戱). We can discover traces of mime of this age in Hosunmoo(胡旋舞), Gwangsumoo(廣袖舞), Kweraehee(傀儡戱), Keeak(伎樂), Kummoo(劍舞) Muaemoo(無㝵舞), and so forth. Especially, Keeak in Beckjae was mask mime of Buddhistic contents. We can recognize that secular theatres were more diversified and strengthened than sacred thaetres in Nambukgooksidae/South-north Nation Age. According to these changes, there were many changes in the mime of this age. We can concretely find traditions of mime of this age in Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞), Hwangchanmoo(黃倡舞), Taemyun(大面), Wuljen(月顚), Sodok(束毒)', Sanyae (狻猊), and so forth. Mimes of Koreasidae/Korea Age take diverse forms of puppet play, mask play, dance play. Established traditional mimes as Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞) were widely disseminated in society. And dance plays of mime form as Hunsundo(獻仙桃), Pokurak(抛毬樂), Yunhwadae(蓮花臺)' were imported from Song Nation of China. Mime of Chosundidae/Chosun Age were developed with changes of theatre that were divided into Kyusickjeehee[規式之戲] as Kwangdae(廣大), Ser-in(西人), Joojil(注叱), Rongryung(弄鈴), Kendoo(斤頭) and Sohakjihee[笑謔之戱] as Soochuk(水尺) Sengkwangdae(僧廣大). Styles of theatre in this age were specialized into mudangkuk, Pungmoolkut, Inhyunguk/Puppet play, Talnoree/Mask paly, Pansori, Kungjoong Kamuakguk. According to this changes, mime of this age were specialized into diverse aspects. Korean mime were specialized into Kutnorum-formed mime, Inhyungnorum-formed mime, Jabsaeknorum-formed mime, Talnorum-formed mime, Kungjoongmuyong-formed mime, Pansori-formed mime, and so forth.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.