This study aims at identifying the recent change in marriage behaviors in Korea. The data used here is the vital statistics compiled from the vital registration system of which registration form is put on one from together with the civil registration form. According to the results of this analysis, since 1970 the number of marriages has steadily increased from about 300, 000 in the former of 1970s to about 400, 000 in the latter of 1980s, appproximately coincided with the change in population size at the marriageable age span. The few exceptions that can be seen in the 1970s seem to result from the impact of social upheavals during 1950s; since the birth cohorts affected by the low fertility during the Korean war and the post-war baby-boom generations chracterized by the high fertility entered the marriage market in the 1970s. However, the marriage rate shows a little increase from around 7 in the former of 1970s to around 9 in the latter of 1980s, indicating that the marriage prevalence has been more or less inconsiderably changed during this period. It is also found that the proportion of remarriage to the total marriages has increased to around 10 per cent in 1989, while decreasing that of first marriage. This fact can be attributable to the higher prevalence of divorces and the collapsing of the Confucianism ethic which contributed to expediting the remarriage of widows. Although this proportion is insignificant compared with that of the of more developed countries, it is not difficult to say that the proportion of remarriages will continue to increase in future. The age first at first marriage(AFM) which directly affects the span exposed to the risks pregnancy has increased to the age about 28 for male and about 25 for female in recent years. However, big difference in AFM between urban and rural areas has narrowed, resultant from the increasing involuntary postponement of marriage of rural young population who have met difficulties in seeking their bride or bridegroom in rural areas characterized by the heavy out-migration of young, particularly female, population. The present study shows the reverse relationship between AFM and educational attainment; i.e, the higher the educational attainment the lower the AFM. The conditions which are taken into considerations were the class and the family in the past time but which are, educational attainment, job and personal characteristics. With regard to the age condition, in recent years the male prefers the female younger than himself on the average by 3 years and vice versa, which is reduced form 4-5 years in beginning of 1970s. The age difference bride and bridegroom tends to decrease with the educational attainment increase. This may be attributable to the fact that the persons with the higher educational attainment prefer the love marriage and hence are more likely to choose their counterparts in the about same age. The education condition is characterized by the bridegroom having the higher educational level than bride. It is also significant to note that the proportion of love marriage has increased, whereas that of traditional arranged marriage has decreased. This is true in the urban areas than the rural areas, indicating that rights as well as responsibilities for marriage have been handed over the young population from their parents. In conclusion, the change in the marriage behaviors in Korea are characterized by increasing tendency for the postponement of first marriage, higher prevalences of divorces and a result remarriages, increase of love marriages, narrowing age difference between bride and bridegroom, etc. which are the main results of rapid industrization, increase in educational and economic activity opportunities and change in the ideals of marriages during the past decades. These phenomena prevailing in Korean society would affect not only the family structure that will become less proliferiated but the population size and structure. The most important is that the changes in marriage behaviors of Koreans and their impact on the society with respect to norms, values, morals, of individual and family in the social aspect, change in population size and structure in the demograpic aspects, and economic development in the economic aspects should be integrated into the plannings towards to the future.
This research studies the characteristics of the family systems of traditional societies in Black Africa. For this purpose, this study has chosen three subtopics: the distinctive features of traditional societies, marriage customs (polygamy and polyandry), and the societal features of patriarchal and matriarchal societies. First, we analyze men's and women's roles, ownership and management of the land, dowry, and social values of livestock as the distinctive features that support the family system in traditional Black African societies. These elements play an important role in increasing the number of family members. Next we analyze marriage customs-polygamy and polyandry-which increase the number of family members, on the one hand, and secure the labor force, on the other hand. Most traditional societies in Black Africa prectice polygamy. However, the $Bashil{\acute{e}}l{\acute{e}}$ and Bahima prectice polyandry. Polygamy in traditional societies in Black Africa is based on the traditional social customs that display the authority and dignity of the family head, who has control over all family members in both patrilineal and matrilineal societies. The authority and dignity of the family head are used to keep and increase the number of family members, that is, to secure the community firmly. Finally, most traditional societies are patrilineal. However, matrilineal societies are prevalent in the so-called Matrilineal Belt, which term refers to the savanna regions where Bantu peoples reside, that is, the coastal regions from the Angolan coast, bordering the Atlantic, to the Tanzanian and Mozambique coasts that border the Indian Ocean. These societies trace descent through the maternal bloodline. The traditional family system in Black Africa is based on economic social, and political factors, as well as on the community spirit of the members, which has resulted from the choices made to increase the prosperity and well-being of the people.
A distributed stable marriage problem in extended in this paper. The traditional approach related to the stable matching problem assume that preference lists are fixed. However, in decentralized version this assumption is not reasonable because of the autonomy of members. In this paper, we consider the situation that a preference list can be varied at some stable matching and show the condition to be broken the stability of the original matching. Moreover, we propose a stabilization algorithm to obtain a stable matching by execution with a minimal set of members.
As the divorce rates in Korea have increased dramatically in recent years, it has been assumed that the attitudes towards divorce changed as a consequence. It has been proposed that people have become more accepting of marital dissolution as an alternative to unhappy marriage. The Purpose of this study is to empirically examine the assumption and to explore whether there is a rural-urban differences in the attitudes towards divorce. The data were gathered from 716 respondents who reside in Seoul and 593 respondents who reside in rural areas, using the structured questionnaire. The data analysis revealed that there exists significant rural-urban differences in the attitudes towards divorce in some aspects, suggesting the gaps in the cultural changes. Yet, rural-urban residents seems to share the attitude that one should not sacrifice personal happiness to maintain an unhappy marriage for the shake of obligation and traditional family norm.
This study analysed marital comflicts, related factors, and adjustments to those conflicts described by urban Korean women. The purpose was to discover directions for resolution that would enhance the helpfulness of volunteers or prfessionals working with women in counselling settings. The investigator interviewed 20 married women, all mothers and housewives living in Seoul, attending marriage encounter programs and the Lifeline telephone counselling service. An interview schedule using six open-ended questiona guided the data colleciton which took place between May 31 and December 29, 1988. Content analysis of the data revealed, in order of reported frequency, the following areas of conflict: relationships between husband wife, relationships with children, relationships between the wife and her mother-in-Law, unsatisfied sexual needs, the husband's extra marital relationships, lack of self actualization and finacial matters. Analysis of the data suggested the following factors were related to the conflicts: reasons for marriage, traditional views about marriage and divorce including to accept a marriage arranged by the parents, the husband's traditonal attitude toward the sex role of the wife, the husband's patriarchical authoritarianism, and his attitude toward the wife;s empolyment outside the home. The women thought these conflicts severely affected their relationships within the famaily, particularly with their children. Literature suggests links with such poor parent-child-family relationships and adolescent or young people's social problems. Volunteers or professionals working with married women in counselling situation need to be conscious of the possibility of these conflict during assessment, and direct their guidance toward such conflict resolution. The researcher makes several suggestions which include the need for the husband to give emotional supports to his wife, to recognize the worth of housework, to share the work of the home, to fine ways to enhance the wife's self-actualization and to ease dreary housework routines by prviding modern appliances.
Objectives: This study was conducted to investigate Chinese female marriage immigrants' dietary life after immigration to Korea, focusing on comparison between Han-Chinese (traditional Chinese) and Korean-Chinese (Chinese of Korean descent). Methods: An in-person survey was conducted with women married to Korean men, having one child or more aged 1-6 years old, and having resided in Korea for at least one year before the survey. The data were collected from the 309 respondents comprising 151 Han-Chinese and 158 Korean-Chinese in the summer of 2013. Results: Overall, there was no significant difference in dietary practice, dietary acculturation, dietary behavior, dietary habits, and food intake between the Han-Chinese and the Korean-Chinese respondents. Over 50% of the respondents ate Korean food every day. The overall level of dietary acculturation was about 3.5 out of 5 points. The average score of healthy dietary behavior was a little bit higher than 3 out of 5 points. Approximately 3/4 of the respondents showed increasing frequency of eating out. The respondents reporting increase food diversity were over 70%. Decreased frequency of skipping meal was about 60% of the respondents. Over 50% of the respondents showed increasing consumption of Kimchi, vegetables, fruit, and meat. Conclusions: Dietary life of Korean-Chinese female marriage immigrants was similar to that of Han-Chinese female marriage immigrants after immigration to Korea. The results from this study suggest that not only Han-Chinese but also Korean-Chinese should be targeted in various diet-related acculturation support programs as important multicultural populations in Korea.
This study focuses on the differences in family values, which is a cause of family dissolution and conflicts of marriage immigrant women. This study was conducted on 441 women in Vietnam. It was done to explore their family values. Specifically, the following were examined: the overall family values and martial status of Vietnamese women; differences in their family values by region (northern, central, southern). The survey questionnaire consists of the following content: 'family perception'; 'gender-role values'; 'elderly parent support value'. The characteristics of family values of Vietnamese women are as follows. First, the scope of family perceived by them was relatively narrow. In particular, most of them didn't perceive the parents of a spouse as a familymember. Second, in terms of gender-roles, they perceived men and women as equal and didn't have strong perception of traditional gender roles. Third, they felt strongly about supporting elderly parents. The perception of supporting elderly parents is based on equal gender roles, instead of the paternalistic approach. They preferred financial support to living with parents. There were also differences in family values by region. Also, their values seemed to be the opposite of the ones well-known by region. In addition, their values were changing amid economic growth and modernization. Residents in Can Tho in the south - known to have open-minded Southeast Asian values - had the most patrilineal, traditional values with strong perception towards supporting elderly parents. Residents in Hanoi in the north - known to have heavy influence of Confucian culture - had non-traditional values with positive attitude towards liberal sex culture, divorce, and remarriage. Residents in Da Nang, a central region, had a mixture of northern and southern characteristics in terms of family values.
The article deals with issues related to the tradition of carpet production on the territory of Kazakhstan where, for the most part, tribes engaged in nomadic livestock raising lived. Analyzing the technological component of this traditional craft, the author focuses on the main factor that influenced carpet weaving along with arts and crafts-the nomadic method of production of the Kazakhs. The study of the ideological component that accompanies the process of making various types of carpets allows us to conclude that it has a sacred meaning and subordination to myth, rite, and ritual. At the mythmaking level, the process of making carpets, like any other activity among nomads, personified the process of creating the world, the marriage of Kok-Tengri (Heaven) and Zher-Su (Earth), and the creation of the Cosmos from Chaos. The process of carpet weaving, as well as the process of making felt, symbolized the act of creation, the marriage of Heaven and Earth, and male and female principles. The study of various types of ornaments that Kazakhs and their ancestors used to decorate carpets allows us to conclude that the ornament applied to carpet products was the bearer of the most valuable information about the mythological worldview of the people. Carpets in their structure reproduced the structure of the Universe, which has a binary, ternary, and quaternary system. The ornament has turned into a kind of coded text, reflecting ideas about the cosmogonic structure of the Universe and an awareness of the harmony of the world. The location of Kazakhstan on the northern routes of the Sogdian Road (Great Silk Road) allowed the spread of various ideas, due to which carpet weaving was influenced by other peoples in technical and stylistic design.
The purpose of this study is to understand the culture on the Traditional Wedding of the West Gyeong Nam District. The traditional wedding was characterized that the bridegroom visited his bride's house accompanied by his honored guests(上客) and the marriage ceremony was to be held in day time, and then the bridegroom became a son-in-law and stayed with the family for a few days. The bridegroom returned to his home, leaving his bride behind. After a certain period, the bride came to her husband's home as a daughter-in-law. The Traditional Wedding costume of the bridegroom were Samo-Gwandae. The coat (outside uniform) was blue Danryeong ornamented with two cranes figured Hyong-Bae and Heukgackdae. In case Samo-Gwandae was not available, Dopo or Durumakie could be substituted and they put on shoes in this case. A bridegroom put on Mokhwa his feet and under the Samo, and he also put on Nambawie or Bokguen. He put on Dopo or Haeng-eui(行衣) or Durumaki under the blue Danryeong. The bride put on Wonsam and Chokduri or Hwagwan on her hair. In case Wonsam was not available, Chima Jogori style or imitational Wonsam, which was roughly sewed with red cloth and blue cloth contained in the Honsuham (Box of wedding treasure), could be substituted. She put on Hyang-guen to protect her body against the coldness and to hide her face.
In the middle of the 20th century the traditional wedding costumes in Chungchung district were very similar to those of high officials. A bridegroom out on blue DanRyoung, Samo, official belt, buckskin and two cranes figured Hyoongbae which high-ranking officials wore, A bride put green Wonsam and Chonkduri on her hair, The color and cloth of Chogori, Chima and underwear showed wedding practice in those days on which a daughter-in-law should endure a hard married life. It reflects the Confucian ideas and a patriarch society. This paper studies on the substantive reason they wore the traditional wedding costumes in Chungchung district is not thoroughly considered in a folkloristic respect. The traditional wedding culture that a bridegroom and a bride wore a formal suit can be a good instance which showed us their desire for social status of the upper class. The wedding practices were performed in order to get rid of an omen and keep a good their fortune.
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